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disgusted the surviving; for he monopolised the plunder. When he marched to London against William, a large part of his army deserted him. Those only who served on pay, and as mercenaries, kept to him (1).

He sent spics to inspect William's force. The judicious duke, who knew his strength, and the good appointment of his army, had nothing to conceal: he caused the spies to be well feasted, and to be led through his encampment. On their return to Harold, they magnified what they had beheld; but added, that, from their shaven faces, they should have taken the Normans for an army of divines. Harold laughed at the conceit, but had sense enough to remark, that the divines would prove very formidable soldiers (2).

It was the interest of Harold to delay a battle with the invaders, but it was his passion to hasten it. His brother Gurth reminded him, that he had not recruited his losses in the north. Such an observation was evidence of his judgment. His other remarks, that if Harold fought, it would be committing perjury, and therefore that he, Gurth, had better lead on the English in his stead, were deservedly despised by Harold (3). The perjury, if any, was in the resistance, and could not be diminished by the change of the commander. But with what energy could the troops be expected to fight in a quarrel of personal competition, if Harold was away? His absence, on such grounds, would have sanctified the claim of William, and might have tainted his own fame with the perilous imputation of cowardice.

Monastic messengers were reciprocally sent by the two rivals. The one from the duke is said to have offered Harold his option of three proposals. To quit the throne, to reign under William, or to decide the dispute by a single combat.

The two first propositions Harold was too courageous to regard. The last was more compatible with his humour. But Harold had been William's guest, and well knew his personal prowess. The Norman excelled most men of his day in strength, stature, agility, and skill. As he possessed such notorious superiority, there was little courage in his offer of the duel, and Harold could not be disgraced in refusing it. Harold therefore answered with unusual discretion, when he declared, that God should judge between them (4). Harold staid but six days at London to collect troops for the col

(1) Malmsb. 94. Matt. West. 434.

(2) Malmsb. 100. The English did not shave the upper lip. Ib. The Roman de Rou mentions the account of the spies. Lanc. p. 456 The forces of William greatly outnumbered those of Harold. The MS. of Waltham Abbey, written by the canon whom the last queen of Henry I. patronised, states the Norman army to have been four times as numerous as that of Harold. "Non potuit de pari conditione contendere, qui modico stipatus agmine, QUADRUPLO congressus exercitu, sorti se dedit ancipiti." Cott. MSS. Jul. D. 6. p. 101.

(3) Malmsb. 100.

(4) Malmsb. 100. Guil. Pict. 200. Matt. Paris, 3.

lision with the invaders (1); his impatient presumption could not tarry for the force that was wanted to secure success. He left the city, and marched all night towards Hastings (2). His hope was to surprise the army of the duke (3), as he had surprised the Norwegians; and so confident were his expectations, that he sent round a fleet of 700 vessels to hinder William's escape (4).

This was another measure of his ill-judgment. A very large part of his force must have been lost to him in manning these vessels; and yet, though he had not had time to collect an army of great power, he deprived himself, needlessly, of a numerous support, by sending it on the seas. Prudence would have counselled him to have opened a passage on the ocean for his enemies' retreat. If he had coolly reasoned, he must have seen that William placed the issue of his adventure upon a land battle. To wage this successfully, he concentrated all his strength. Harold, instead of meeting him with his most consolidated force, favoured the wishes of his enemies by manning a fleet, whose exertions could not have the least influence on the impending conflict. But when vanity assumes the helm of our conduct, discretion disappears.

In projecting to surprise William, he proved how little he understood of the duke's character. Alert in obtaining notice of Harold's approach, William immediately commanded his men to remain all night under arms (5). Deterred by this preparation, Harold ventured no night attack.

On the spot afterwards called Battle, the English rested on an adjacent hill. The Normans quitted Hastings (6), and occupied an eminence (7) opposite. The night before the battle was spent by the English in festivity, by the Normans in devotion (8)."

While William was putting on his armour, it happened that he inverted his coat of mail. This petty mistake was a fatal omen; but William, like all great souls, disdaining such puerilities, said, with a calm countenance, "If I believed in omens, I should not fight to-day, but I never credited such tales, and never loved the superstitious. In every concern which I ought to undertake, I commit myself, for the result, to my Creator's ordination (9).” At the command of their leader, the Normans, who were in the

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(4) Guil. Pict. 201. Ord. Vit. 500. L'ancienne Chronique de Normandie, and the Roman de Rou (Lanc. 444-446.) mention that William burnt and destroyed his own shipping, to make his army more desperate.

(5) Gemm. 287.

(6) The tapestry represents them as departing from Hastings to the place of battle.

(7) Taylor's Anon. 192.

(8) Malmsb. 101.

(9) "Si ego in sortem crederem, hodie amplius in bellum non introirem, sed ego nunquam sortibus credidi neque sortilegos amavi. In omni negotio quodcunque agere debui, Creatori mço semper me commendavi." Taylor's Anon. p. 192. Guil. Pict. 201. mentions it.

camp, armed. William, with solemn devotion, heard mass, and received the sacrament. He hung round his neck the relics on which Harold had sworn, and proceeded to arrange his troops (1); his standard was entrusted to Toustain the Fair (2).

He divided his army into three bodies. In front he placed his light infantry armed with arrows and balista. Behind these were the heavy-armed foot. His last division was composed of his cavalry, among whom he stationed himself (3).

He strengthened their determined valour by an impressive harangue (4). He reminded them of the achievements of Hastings, whose actions these pages have commemorated. He bade them to

recollect Rollo, the founder of their nation, and the uniform successes of their ancestors against the Franks. He noticed their most recent exploits (5). He assured them that they were to fight not merely for victory, but for life. If they exerted themselves like men, glory and wealth were their rewards; if they were defeated, a cruel death, a hopeless captivity, and everlasting infamy, were the inevitable consequence. Escape there was none. On one side, an unknown and hostile country; on the other, the blockaded sea precluded flight (6). He added, "Let any of the English come forward, of those whom our ancestors have an hundred times defeated, and demonstrate that the people of Rollo have ever been unfortunate in war, and I will abandon my enterprise. Is it not, then, a disgrace, that a nation accustomed to be conquered, a nation so broken by war, a nation not even having arrows, should pitch themselves in regular battle against you? Is it not a disgrace that perjured Harold should dare to face me in your presence? I am astonished that you should have beheld those who destroyed your fathers, and my kinsman Alfred, by the basest treachery, and that they should yet be in existence. Raise, soldiers, your standards. Let neither diffidence nor moderation check your anger. Let the lightning of your glory shine resplendent from the east to the west. Let the thunders of your impetuous onset be heard afar, ye generous avengers of the murdered (7) !”

While he was yet speaking, his men hastened to engage. Their ardour could not tarry for his conclusion. One Taillefer, singing the song of Roland and Charlemagne (8), even outstripped his

(1) Guil. Pict. 201. Ord. Vit. 500.

(2) Le Roman de Rou mentions, that William first offered this honour to Raoul de Conches, and Gautier Guiffart, who declined it. See it quoted, Lanc. 450-453. (3) Guil. Pict. 201. Ord. Vit. 501.

(4) The tapestry represents William speaking to his soldiers. The inscription imports: "Here William exhorts his soldiers to prepare themselves manlily and wisely to battle against the English army."

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(6) Guil. Pict. 201.

Taillefer qui mout bien chantout,
Sur un cheval qui tost alout,
Derant euls aloit chantant,

friends, and killed an English ensign-bearer. Another also became his victim. A third overpowered him, and then the armies joined (1). The cry of the Normans was, "God help us." The English exclaimed, “The holy cross; the cross of God (2).”

The English, chiefly infantry, were arranged by Harold into an impenetrable wedge. Their shields covered their bodies. Their arms wielded the battle-axe. Harold, whose courage was equal to his dignity, quitted his horse to share the danger and the glory on foot. His brothers accompanied him; and his banner, in which the figure of a man in combat, woven sumptuously with gold and jewels, shone conspicuous to his troops, was implanted near him (3). William, whose eye was searching every part of the field, enquired of a warrior near him, where he thought Harold stood. “In that dense mass on the top of the hill, for there his standard seems displayed," was the answer. William expressed his surprise at his presence in the conflict, and his confidence that his breach of faith would on that day be punished (4).

The English had possessed themselves of the hilly ground, which was flanked by a wood. The cavalry dismounted, and added to the firm mass of Harold's array. The Norman foot, advancing, discharged their missile weapons with effect; but the English, with patient valour, kept their ground. They returned the attack with spears and lances; with their terrible battle-axes, their ancient weapons, and with stones, whose falling masses were directed to overwhelm. The battle glowed. Distant weapons were abandoned for a closer conflict. The clamour of the engaging soldiers was drowned in the clashing of their weapons, and the groans of the dying (5). Valour abounded on both sides, and the chieftains fought with all the desperate firmness of personal enmity and ardent ambition.

Befriended by the elevation of their ground, by the mass of their phalanx, and by their Saxon axes, which cut through all the armour of their adversaries, the undaunted English not merely sustained, but repelled every attack. Intimidated by such invincible fortitude, the foot and cavalry of Bretagne, and all the other allies of William in the left wing, gave way. The impression extended

De Kallemaigne et de Roullant,

Et d'Olivier et de vassaux

Qui moururent en Rainschevaux."

Roman de Rou, p. 461.

Malmsbury and others mention, that the Normans sung the song of Roland. (1) Hen. Hunt. 368. Rad. Dict. 480. Bromton, 960.

(2) The Roman de Rou, p. 461. which says:

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along all his line. It was increased by a rumour, that the duke had fallen. Dismay began to unnerve his army; a general flight seemed about to ensuc (1).

William, observing the critical moment which threatened destruction to his glory, rushed among the fugitives, striking or menacing them with his spear. His helmet was thrown from his head. The indignant countenance of their leader was visible : "Behold me-I live; and I will conquer yet, with God's assistance. What madness induces you to fly? What way can be found for your escape? They whom, if you choose, you may kill like cattle, are driving and destroying you.-You fly from victory-from deathless honour. You run upon ruin and everlasting disgrace. If you retreat, not one of you but will perish (2).”

At these words they rallied—he led them to another onset. His sword strewed his path with slaughter. Their valour and their hopes revived. Their charge upon their pursuers was destruction; they rushed impetuously on the rest.

But the main body of the English continued unmoved and impenetrable. All the fury of the Normans and their allies could force no opening. An unbroken wall of courageous soldiery was every where present.

Depressed by this resistance, William's mind was roused to attempt a stratagem. He had seen the success with which his rallied troops had turned upon those who pursued them. He resolved to hasard a feigned retreat, to seduce the English into the disorder of a confident pursuit, and to profit by their diffusion (3).

A body of a thousand horse, under the count of Boulogne, were entrusted with the execution of this manœuvre. With a horrible outcry they rushed upon the English; then suddenly checking themselves, as if intimidated, they affected a hasty flight (4). The English were cheated. They threw themselves eagerly on the retreating Normans, and at first they prospered; for the Normans retired upon a great ditch, or excavation, somewhat concealed by its vegetation. Driven upon this, great numbers perished, and some of the English were dragged into the ruin (5). But while this (2) Ibid.

(1) Guil. Pict. 202.

(4) Taylor's Anon. Hist. 193. 1 Dugd. 311.

(3) Ibid.

(5) Hunt. 368. Rad. Dict. 480. Bromton, 960. This ditch was afterwards called Malfossed. 1 Dugd. 311. The Roman de Rou stated this:

"En la champagne out un fossé

Normans l'avient eux adossé
Embelinant l'orent passé

Ne l'avoient mie esgardé.

Engleis on tant Normans hastez
Et tant empoins et tant bo:itez
Ez fossez les ont fait ruser,
Chevaux et hommes gambeter
Mout voissiez hommes tomber,
Les uns sur les autres verser
Et tresbuchier et adenter
Ne s'en pooient relever;

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