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months the prisoner was separated from all communication with his friends, and kept under the strict guardianship of a lieutenant newly appointed by Rochester for the purpose. At the close of that period, the wretched man died of poison, but not until several attempts to put him out of the way by that means had been ineffectual.

In the mean time proceedings were instituted to obtain a divorce between the Countess and the Earl of Essex, on the plea of the earl's physical incapacity for the duties of matrimony. Decency forbids that we should enter into the investigations which now occupied several months, and called forth all the authority and influence both of the king and his minion; suffice it to say, as the effect of much disorderly interference and menacing on the part of the monarch, and of Rochester, seven out of the twelve judges were induced to decide in favour of the divorce. Their decision was generally viewed as given purely to gratify the king. In prospect of the new marriage, James created Rochester Earl of Somerset. The ceremony took place in the royal chapel, in the presence of the king and a large company of nobles, with their wives and daughters, the queen appearing at the altar in white satin, and the bride with her hair in curls down to her waist-the virgin costume

of the

James had several reasons for becoming thus zealous in the cause of a divorce, where he had been the principal agent in bringing about the marriage; but what chiefly weighed with Perplexities him was that the intended union would be acceptable to Government. his ministers, the father and uncle of the countess: a circumstance which taught him to look on the marriage as likely to extinguish a rivalry which subsisted between these persons and the favourite. But the king always found that to manage the courts of law was less difficult than to manage the house of commons; the most unconstitutional decisions from the former being much more easily obtained than any adequate supply from the latter. Yet without a large supply from that source, it now seemed impossible that the machinery of government should be continued in action. While the question of the divorce was pending, Somerset had relieved the necessities of his sovereign by a personal present of 25,000l. But the king's wants soon became as pressing as before, and no course presented itself to the favourite, or to his father-in-law, the Earl of Suffolk, now lord treasurer, and the king's principal adviser, except the assembling of a parliament. Various expedients had been tried, but with only a partial measure of success. The

Most of the documents relating to the divorce of the countess, and an account of what followed are in Truth brought to Light.' Disgusting as are their disclosures in many particulars, they afford an instructive picture of the state of society in this reign pp. 1-23. et seq. Aulicus Coquinariæ, 261. Reliq. Wotton, 408-410 Nugæ Antiquæ, i. 390. Winwood, iii. 447, 453, 479. Howell's State Tria's, ii. 785-862. Wilson, 693. An account. given by Raumer, from a contemporary Paris MS., agrees in substance with that of our own writers, ii. 222-233. This writer, indeed, states that the king gave the married couple effects worth a million of gold; that the countess wore a coronet valued at 400,000 dollars!

new title of baronet had been sold for the fee of 1000l. to as many as were disposed to become purchasers, until the number of names enrolled amounted to about two hundred. All the gradations of rank had their price in like manner affixed to them, as though the monarch had determined to employ the vanity of one portion of his subjects in the way of counterpoise to the parsimony or patriotism of another. The trade in monopolies also was renewed; but the hazard which now attached to such contracts did not allow of its becoming considerable. Two hundred thousand pounds were obtained on the credit of the privy seals issued a little before the death of Cecil, to be repaid from the next supplies voted by parliament, and about a fourth of that amount was secured as a benevolence.

The king's second parlia

ment convened.

It was to defer, and if possible to prevent the necessity of looking to parliament that James had applied himself to the different methods now enumerated for replenishing his treasury; and it was not without painful misgiving that he listened to those who were at length constrained to advise that a return should be made to the more regular course of obtaining the needed assistance by once more convening the great council of the nation. What prevailed most with the perplexed monarch was the assurance of Somerset and others that they would undertake to influence the elections through the kingdom, so that the house of commons in the king's second parliament should be much more compliant than the one which had preceded it.

But these persons, who, from their proffered services obtained the

Attempt
of the "un-
dertakers."

name of "undertakers," soon ascertained that their object had become generally known, and that their instances of success were few compared with those in which the suspicion excited by their interference had led to a result much adverse to their policy. In past ages the character of the members returned to the lower house was generally determined by the pleasure of the sheriff, who in nearly all cases would be a person readily ɛecured to the service of the court. But other times had now come :& spirit of independence was found to pervade the constituency of the country, so much so, that, in the face of the utmost influence on the part of the king and his ministers, a house of commons was returned even more uncourtly than was that which three years since had been dissolved as wholly unmanageable.

A. D. 1614, April 5.

James had not to wait until the meeting of the two houses to ascertain that the undertaking of his ministers had proved a failure. On the meeting of parliament accordingly the king was careful to disclaim all connexion with proceedings so much beneath the dignity of a sovereign as the influencing of elections, and his speech throughout was characterized by a tone of conciliation which sufficiently bespoke his apprehension as to the probable

tr

secution.

course of the new house of commons. His majesty assured the two houses that " his natural affections were like the redness of his heart, his integrity like the whiteness of his robe; his purity like the metal of gold on his crown; and his firmness and clearness like the precious stones he wore*;" and the truth of assurances thus fantastically expressed was affirmed in the usual manner by an appeal to the Almighty. Many grievances were now to be redressed with as little delay as possible; and the king would henceforth show himself " contrary to all tyrants, who love not advising with their subjects, but hate parliaments :" nor should it be the fault of the monarch if the history of the present parliament were not such as to entitle it to the name of the parliament of love. The king also delivered some admirable sentiments on the impolicy of religious persecution; but sentiments not a little at variance with the conduct of the royal orator, and even with Speculations of the king on those portions of it that were manifestly the result of his the impolicy of own choice. "No state," says the monarch, can evi- religious perdence that any religion or heresy was ever extirpated by the sword, or by violence, nor have I ever judged it a way of planting the truth. An example of this I take where, when many rigorous counsels were propounded, Gamaliel stood up and advised, that if that religion were of God, it would prosper; if of man, it would finish of itself." Besides, men are so prone to glory in defending and sealing their opinions with their blood, that the primitive church in one age declined into an affectation of martyrdom. And many heresies have had their martyrs, which have gone with the same alacrity, and desire, and assurance to the fire, as those who have witnessed for the truth have done +." But the monarch who could indulge in this style of enlightened disquisition is the same who on his way from Scotland proclaimed a gaol delivery in every town through which he passed, excepting such offenders as were charged with "murder or papistry;" and the same who not only told the Puritans he would make them conform, or harass them out of the land, but who was now acting in accordance with that threat to the full extent of his ability.

The great point of solicitude with the commons was the redress of grievances, and on this subject, though the promises of the king were large, his conduct was sufficiently ambigu- Arbitrary lanous to occasion strong suspicion as to his sincerity. The king's speech. members were admonished by the sovereign himself, that

guage of the

he would no more treat with them "like a merchant by way of exchange," and which was more, that it was the royal pleasure that they should make the voting a supply their first business, leaving all matters of grievance to a future session. The history of the last house of commons, and the character of the present, should have sufficed to prevent the slightest expectation that such a course would be followed, in whatever manner + Ibid.. i. 1151, 1152

*Parl. Hist. i. 1150.

enjoined; and in fact it is to this interdict on the subject of grievances that the total failure of the court policy in relation to this parliament must be attributed.

Debate on the question of impositions resumed.

The commons, instead of obeying the royal mandate, proposed a conference of the two houses on the matter of impositions ;a measure known to be particularly unacceptable to the king, and which as such was successfully opposed by the prelates and courtiers in the upper house. It was on this occasion that Neile, bishop of Lincoln, declared the right of levying those imposts on the property of the subject to be a matter pertaining solely to the will of the sovereign, adding that no man could question this principle without assailing the only proper foundation of monarchy, and betraying a temper hardly distinguishable from sedition. The commons urged loud complaints against this slanderer of their loyalty, nor were the lords slow in bringing the offender to their bar, where he confessed his delinquency on his knees, and it is said with tears. Not content with thus far humbling their adversary, the lower house indulged in some strong censures on the servile conduct of the ruling clergy generally.

Even in the commons, more than one of the servants of the crown was bold enough to assert that taxes might be justly imposed by royal authority alone, and, in the absence of better precedents, appeals were made in support of this doctrine to the practice of France, Spain, Germany, and Italy. But to this abstract notion of monarchy it was replied, that the princes in those countries possessed the power of making laws, as well as that of levying contributions on property; and the advocates of despotism were reminded, that by contending for one of these points without the other, they seemed to have acquired but half their lesson. As usual, on such questions, the opinion of the judges was sought, and contrary to the general conduct of that body, they had in this instance the courage to refuse the sort of decision which was virtually demanded by the court.

The king's debts at this time amounted to twelve hundred thousand pounds, two-thirds of which had accumulated since the dissolution of the last parliament. Weakness characterised every plan devised by the government, and it was consistent with this general imbecility to expect that a supply at all adequate to such a state of embarrassment would be voted on the bare promise that there should be some future adjustment of the great matters at issue between the crown and the people. Secretary Herbert spoke of these pecuniary difficulties as rendering the kingdom "a contempt and scorn in all other parts;" and the chancellor offered the particulars of the royal debts to the private inspection of the members; but the house occupied itself with no less than fifty bills on a variety of subjects, to the neglect of the great question of a supply. When two months had thus passed, James sent a

message threatening to dissolve the parliament, if his wishes were any longer slighted. The house immediately formed itself into

Parliament dissolved,

a committee, and began to deliberate on the best means
of meeting the claims of the government without sacri- June 7.
ficing those of the people, when, on the following day, the

king carried his threat into execution, and the parliament was dissolved by commission*.

Opposition between the

spirit of the

court and the nation..

All prospect of an agreement between the crown and the nation now seemed to be further removed than ever. The maxims of the court, and those which from becoming prevalent with the people were embodied in the character and conduct of their representatives, proved to be directly at issue, and both parties deemed themselves committed to a conflict, the result of which no man could readily predict. A circumstance which promised to render this struggle still more desperate, was the conduct of James in subjecting several members, immediately after the dissolution, to imprison- Tyrannical ment, on the pretence that they had used improper liberties king, June 8. of speech during the discussions in parliament. Had this

conduct of the

been the fact, the correction of such improprieties belonged to the house itself, and not to the monarch. But the real delinquency of these persons was the popular character of their principles and conduct. Sir Edwin Sandys in opposing the slavish doctrines of the ministers of the crown, had not hesitated to declare" that all kings were originally elective, except such as came in by the sword: whom for that reason it was lawful to expel by the sword, whenever the people had the power to do it +."

Rise of
Villiers.

In dealing with the embarrassments which now opened before him, James resigned himself to the influence of a new favourite. Somerset, since his marriage, had declined much in those superficial qualities which had served to recommend him to his sovereign. The bloom and gaiety of youth gave place with rapidity to different appearances and manners, and the king beginning to feel a want of the amusement for which such objects were chosen by him, was left with his mind open to the new impression which about this time was made on it by George Villiers, son of Sir Edward Villiers of Leicestershire. This young man, who had not passed his one-andtwentieth year, was distinguished by his handsome person, and the taste of his clothes. His address also had been improved by recent travel, and a short stay at the court of Paris. Those who knew the king were aware that from his first interview with Villiers so much had been done, as to make it probable that the old favourite would soon prove an incumbrance rather than an object of affection. "Ashamed of his sudden attach

* Journals, 471. Reliqua Wottonianæ, 43.
Parl. Hist. i. 1149-1167. Reliqua Wottonianæ, 433.

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