cerued will take due notice, under pain of the usual penalties; and for no longer a space of time is martial law, on any pretence to prevail, unless from the continuance of the circumstances above, I shall see fit to renew this my proclamation. Given under my hand and seal at arms in council chamber at the town hall this 18th day of May, 1805, and in the 45th year of his Majesty's reign. God save the King! By his Excellency's command, Jos. D. HUSBANDS, Dep. Sec.

Martial Law continued, &c. &c. &c. SEAFORTH-Whereas the circumstances of danger attending this island, which caused me to issue my proclamation of the 18th instant, are so far from being diminished, that they are rather increased:-I do hereby, by and with the advice and consent of his Majesty's council, continue my above-mentioned proclamation in full force until gunfiring on Saturday evening next: and it is hereby continued in full force, of which all concerned are required to take notice.-Given under my hand and seal at arms, in council chamber, at Pilgrim, this 21st day of May, 1805, and in the 45th year of his Majesty's reign. God save the King. By his Excellency's command, Jos. D. HUSBANDS, Dep. Sec.

BATAVIAN FLOTILLA.Report of Admiral Verhuel to the Secretary of State for the Marine Department of the Batavian Republic. Dated Dunkirk, July 26.

HIGH AND NOble Sir,- -In ray letter of the 18th July, I had the honour to send you a short account of my arrival at Ambleteuse, with a part of the Batavian flotilla; but the circumstances of my voyage, in which the Batavian colours have been crowned with so much bravery, deserve to be more fully known by your lordship, and I have, in consequence, the honour to give you a more detailed account of it For these two months past, I have kept a considerable part of the flotilla at anchor at Dunkirk, ready to sail at a moment's notice for Ambleieuse. On Wednesday, the 7th July, the wind being N. N.E. I went directly with the officers of my staff, on board the yacht Bantam, and made, at half past four, the signal for sailing. In a few moments after, I gave the signal to four French praams and thirty-two Batavian gun-boats to weigh anchar and set sail, they being at that time the only vessels ready to put to sea. The strong NN. West winds had previously compel led me to send into harbour the transport ships, and the same state of the weather still prevented them from coming out. At six o'clock in the afternoon, the ships being

drawn up in a line of battle, in two divisions, we sailed in the following order. The Colonel and Captain of the Navy, Ger brands, leading the van; the Coonel and Captain of the Navy, Carpentier, the rear; and myself on board the gun-boat, No. 39, Lieutenant of the Navy, Budei, commander, in the centre. The four prams ranged themselves in the outer division, one in the van, two in the centre, and one in the rear. As soon as we got under sail we.descried-an English brig in the N. W. steering westward, and firing signals to ships in that quarter. As soon as we got sight of Gravelines we discovered nine of the enemy's ships, five of them three masted, frigates, and corvettes, and four brigs, laying to within half a mi of the shore. I made the signal to prepace for battle, the enemy still remaining at anchor, until we came nearer, in order that they might attack us with the more advantage. A quarter after nine o'clock, having come athwart of the enemy, which we now found to consist of fifteen ships, they tacked and engaged our van and centre within gun shot. They then extended their line so as to comprehend our rear. The action became warm, and the enemy closed us, keeping up a constant fire until we came near to Calais, when they sheered off, and left us in possession of the field of battle. We arrived in the harbour of Calais between eleven and twelve at night, where we cast anchor, although we might have continued our voyage, as we wished to give an opportunity to the ships in the rear to join us, and we then put the fleet again in sailing order. I was also particularly anxious to sail with day-light, that the enemy might see and follow us, and thus leave the passage clear for the ships still to come from Dunkirk, which were not so well equipped as those under my command; and were not, of course, able to make as good a resistance. The result has proved, that I succeeded in my object. The following morning about five o'clock, we drew up in line of battle, and saw in different stations 19 ships of the enemy, consisting of two ships of the line, 11 frigates and corvettes, and six brigs, who approached us, and, having rallied, attacked our line. The enemy came far within gun shot, and made great use of their mortars, which threw many bombs in the middle of our ships, but Inckily not one of them did any damage. The batteries on shore had a great share in the action, and assisted the heavy fire of our ships in forcing the enemy to sheer off again. At eleven o'clock in the morning, five Batavian gun-boats arrived at Calais, eleven transports, and three French pinnaces, which had sailed from Dunkirk after us, without

meeting an enemy. These ships I ordered out of the harbour, and made a signal to give me a return of the damage sustained by the gun-boats, and was informed that eleven gun-boats were rendered unserviceable, and unable to proceed farther. I accordingly sent them into the harbour of Calais. I went on shore to settle with the French commandant of the navy, for the repair of the vessels. At Calais I met Marshal D'Avoust, general in chief of the army, who had come on board the last division from Dunkirk, and wished to proceed with us, -and in the afternoon I returned with his excellency and three other officers on board. Notwithstanding I was aware that the nineteen ships with which I had been engaged in the morning had sailed to the west, and were in our course, I determined not to lose the -opportunity, as, from the courage and bra- very evinced in the late engagement, I had the fullest confidence in our vessels. At three o'clock in the afternoon, I made signal to weigh anchor, and got under sail, to twenty-one gun-boats, and three praams, including the division last from Dunkirk. I instantly formed the line of battle, myself in the van. When we arrived off Cape Blancenez, we discovered twenty-two English ships, including two ships of the line, six frigates, thirteen brigs, and one cutter. They kept at a certain distance, beyond gun shot of our ships, until they had formed into line of battle. The action commenced about five o'clock in the afternoon, and soon became extremely warm. Meanwhile the two ships of the line came so near that we fired our musquetry, by which the enemy must have suffered a great deal. We did not suffer so much, as most of their shot passed over us. The coast, by the care of Marshal D'Avoust, was lined with artillery and bombs, by which we were much assisted. Before we arrived off Cape Guisnez, the enemy's squadron was encreased to forty-five sail, including a great many frigates. All these ships being close together, our flotilla was covered, which were answered from our side with great spirit. Some of the enemy came within pistol shot of us, particularly two English brigs, which attacked my vessel with great fury, perceiving us to be the signal vessel. Notwithstanding this, we doubled the Cape in the most regular order in line of battle, very close to each other, fighting our way, although we had to pass a bank, over which three vessels could not sail a-breast, and that with great difficulty. At seven o'clock we arrived off Ambleteuse, in good order, where I suffered the ships to lie at'anchor, in order of battle. Some English ships that had been stationed off Boulogne, per

ceived their squadron, and joined in the action; but they were all forced, at length, by our fire, and the heavy fire of the batteries, to put to sea again, and about eight o'clock the several actions of the day were at an end. I feel great gratification in giving to your lordship an account of the business of the day, and to assure you, that in the four actions, all very warm, the Batavian flag has been defended with the greatest bravery. We have had an opportunity to shew that the Batavian courage is no less than it was in former times, when we were so often victorious on the seas. We have shewn, that when the French Emperor, the great Napoleon, gives an order, the same can be executed; as certainly many may think the passage which we effected impossible, as on that day ninety-five sail of the enemy were to be seen off Cape Grisnez, of which we fought forty-five. The damages sustained by our vessels is not considerable, and will be soon repaired. We have in all ten killed, and sixty wounded, French and Dutch. I feel the greatest pleasure in being able to speak to your lordships in terms of the highest praise of all the officers. They shewed the greatest attention in the execution of my orders, and shewed the greatest ardour to attack the enemy. As proof of this it may be sufficient to state, that several vessels, carrying only two twenty-four pounders, fired 250 shots. The French officers, the crews, and officers of the schooners conducted themselves in the most exemplary manner. In a word, a commander may consider himself happy in having such brave men under him. Both did the greatest honour to their respective nations. [Here follows a list of the officers, whom he recommends to the notice of his lordship, and the names of the gun-boats damaged and left behind at Calais for repair.] After this enumeration, the letter thus concludes-" Lastly, I have the honour to inform you, that since my arrival, 46 gun-boats, and 11 transport ships have arrived here, under convoy of four gun-schooners; and I have farther the pleasure to state, that all those gun-vessels, by the indefatigable activity of the captain of the navy, A. A. Buyskes, chief of my stafft came safe from Dunkirk. I had left tha, oficer behind, with orders not to omit any opportunity of sending off the vessels, after I had brought off the enemy to the west. He has ably supported me in the different manoeuvres. I thought it proper to send Lieutenant Franken, an officer of my staff, with this report, who will be able to give your lordship a fuller account of the same I have the honour to be, with the highest (Signed) VERHUEL.

esteem.

in the provinces were without number, they însulted the laws and the principles of humanity, a parricide was liberated at the place of execution, and an officer was torn to pieces for demanding from his soldiers some civic or revolutionary medals that had been distributed among them.The citizeus of Paris sent an invitation, which amounted to a command to the King to visit them; he was met by the Mayor M. Bailley, with the keys of the city, who presented them with the well known address, which afforded a good specimen of the meckness and urbanity of philosophers in the exercise of newly acquired power: he was then led in triumph to the town house, where after being exhibited to the victorious citizens, he was carried back to Versailles.--From the time of the King's visit to Paris his name had rarely been mentioned, and how long he might have remained in oblivion is impossible to divine, if he had not sent a message to the national assembly that he had chosen a ministry which he hoped would be agreeable to their wishes. Had they from the first instant after the 15th of July, exerted themselves to restore an efficient government, and to render it free by guarding against abuses, it is doubtful if it was not then already beyond their reach; instead, however, of attempting it, they had been bewildering themselves in inexplicable defi nitions of the rights of man. It has been insinuated, that the warmth with which the Kings's message had been received, had not been diminished between the morning and evening session of the 4th of August; in the latter, a member of the noblesse made a motion for renouncing some, and the redemption of other feudal rights; the principle was no sooner broached, than there was a general struggle who should be foremost with motions for levelling all distinctions of order or rank; they were adopted by acclamation without debate or discussion: that session laid the foundation of the destruction of all the privileges of the noblesse, the abolition of tithes, and the confiscation of the property of the clergy. When they had had time for reflection, many members of those orders shewed an inclination to recal their hasty prodigality, but they then found that reflection had come too late. Without an aristocracy there can neither be freedom nor stability of government; it is a powerful and hereditary aris.ocracy which distinguishes the western nations from those of the east, it is to that that the former are indebted for the mildness and stability of their monarchies, while the latter are buried in despotism and torn by eternal revolutions:

an aristocracy is no less necessary to a free government or even to a republic, than to a simple monarchy; it was on the ruins of the aristocracy that the despotism of Rome was erected. The abuses of an aristocraey have been felt all over Europe, they have been great, but they have never equalled those of despotism, or of what is the prelude to it, the domination of popular factions: they were considerable in France, but in abolishing instead of correcting it, they destroyed the foundations of order and freedom. In subverting the basis of government, the national assembly were so warmly applauded by the populace, that they fancied or acted as if they fancied that they actually possessed the power of the state. They did not think it necessary to consult the King in respect to their proceedings; they carried their decrees to him and required his assent, when and in whatever manner they pleased. But though they intended that their powers as regenerators of the nation should be unlimited, they resolved, and had the folly to suppose, that they could fetter their successors as they chose. Among the preliminary articles of the projected constitution, it was a subject of keen debate, whether the King's assent should be necessary to the enactment of laws. Their being able to deliberate upon and determine that question, shewed that it was of little consequence; they, however, decided in the affirmative. The account of this resolution no sooner reached Paris, than it produced a considerable fermentation, and the groups of the Palais Royal proceeded to such lengths as to send threatening letters to the national assembly. Of no transaction that forms an æra in the French revolution, has less been discovered of the real causes, than of the violence offered to the King and the Royal Family on the 6th of October, 1789. It was the subject of a long inquiry before the Chatelet, and of another by a committee of the city of Paris, some members of which, probably knew, but did not chuse to divulge them; it was afterwards discussed in the national assembly, yet nothing was publicly established respecting the real origin of it, for the plot of the Duke of Orleans was evidently the fabrication of the day; it is therefore, necessary to resort to circumstances to endeavour to ascertain if. When these threatening letters were brought to the assembly, the monarchical party who were then a majority, seem to have perceived that their power rested on a very uncertain foundation, and to be sensible that they stood nearly in the same situation thať the King did on the 14th of July. They moved that the city of Paris should either

become responsible for the safety of the members, or that the assembly should remove to some of the provinces. Though this motion was set aside by the order of the day, it is probable that they had come to a determination of attempting to form an efficient government upon their own principles, which had some affinity to those of the British.constitution, and that the King and the then ministry had joined in the scheme. The change in the tone of the assembly, their resolution to repress the disorders, the application of the municipality of Versailles, where no extraordinary disturbance had happened, for troops, their being immediately ordered, their reception by the court on their arrival, some mysterious expressions that passed in the King's presence between the president of the national assembly and the keeper of the seals, the latter becoming immediately after so obnoxious to the popu lar party, the little deference that the city of Paris shewed to the national assembly after they had got possession of the King's person, and the dread that the members of that party shewed of the city, all strongly indicated that something of that nature had been in contemplation. It is likewise highly probable, that it had either transpired or was suspected in Paris, for the insurrection was not accidental, or the caprice of the moment as was industriously propagated, but proceeded upon an arrêt of the district of the Cordeliers, signed by Danton and published on the 4th. After the King was carried to Paris, the assembly desired that measures might be taken to secure the safety of the members, to which the municipality returned for answer, that they were not desirous that the assembly should remove, the assentbly themselves were averse to it, and it was only in compliance with the King's request, that they at last resolved to follow him to Paris; a few days after that resolution, several members were threatened on the road between Paris and Versailles, upon which some of the principal members of the monarchical party retired from the assembly.The city of Paris was not insensible of the essential part they had acted in the revolution. It had been divided by M. Necker into sections at the time of the elections; the sections did not themselves elect the members for the rational assembly, but chose electors who agair joined in certain numbers for that purpose. The sections during the insurrection of the 14th of July, likewise chose deputies under the name at first of a committee, but afterwards of the provisional municipality or common council. Ender all these forms Paris appeared not

only in particular transactions, but tork under consideration, the laws and constitution, even often assumed a legislative authority, and what was still more formidable, led and conducted the insurrections of the people. M. Nesker had been recalled immediately after the revolution; one of the first acts of his administration was to solicit a general amnesty, but he applied for it neither to the King, whose minister he had returned to be, nor to the national assembly which he had called together to regenerate the nation, but to the city of Paris; it was immediately granted, but as immediately recalled when opposed by some of the sections. Early in the revolution the national assembly was divided into two parties, one which preceded the revolutionary spirit and pushed it on, the other which endeavoured to retard it: the same was soon seen in all the public bodies; or, to adopt the language of the revolution, the constituted authorities. Hence the common council, the electors and the sections of Paris, were frequently at variance upon many points; the sections often differed among themselves; except in some great insurrections they were rarely unanimous or nearly so, and upon several occasions they were on the point of entering into a civil war within the city itself. While the national assembly had been employed in framing a constitution for the nation, the provisional common council of Paris had been composing one for itself; it included almost all the powers of government, and made it nearly a state within itself: the national as sembly would not sanction it. But, however much these two bodies might have differed, the actors of the 14th of July and the 6th of October, shewed so little respect to the authority of either, that the national assembly had been only a few days in Paris, when the common council solicited them to repress the excesses of the people. When the national assembly found themselves supported by the common council, they passed a law resembling our riot act, which they stiled martial law; in consequence of which a trifling mob was dispersed without opposition; the murderer of a baker, who had been hanged, probably from private pique, but for the ostensible reason of having a few loaves in his possession; the butchers of the mayor of Treyes who had been dashed to pieces, because he did not resign his office at the request of some blackguards, and the assailants of commissary who narrowly escaped the same fate, were punished, produced a momentary calm, and the law was then nearly forgotten. When the national assembly arrived at that part of the constitution which ·