France; France itself was it likely the French people would add 100,000,000l. sterling to their public debt for the sake of the difference between limitation and counterpoise, and not for military glory? Then against whom were we fighting? We had no right to reckon upon the exhaustion of Russia. Were the exchanges effected was the rate of imposts raised? Then with respect to the Russian soldier-he fought against the hereditary enemies of his religion and the invaders of his soil. The other day 40,000 soldiers arrived at Perekop on their way to the camp in the Crimea. The case was urgent, and the men were desired to march on at the rate of 30 versts a-day-which the House would see was a long march, somewhat under 20 miles a-day. The men said, "Do not impose upon us any fixed distance; let us march as far as we can." They reached the Russian camp-a distance of 120 miles in the course of four days; but they lost on the way 10,000 men. On the 20th of June the generals and the soldiers received the Sacrament in Sebastopol, the soldiers wearing the same bloodstained clothes they wore on the 18th of June. These were facts full of meaning. Mr. Gladstone justified his own position. Thankful for the indulgence and freedom of speech which have been accorded me, I remain content in the belief that in endeavouring to recall the Government from that course of policy which they are now pursuing I am discharging my duty as a patriot, a faithful representative of the people, and a loyal subject of my Queen." (Cheers.)

After some further discussion the motion dropped.

On the 7th of August, Lord

John Russell took the opportunity of the third reading of the Consolidated Fund Appropriation Bill, to make a long and discursive speech on the prospects of the war and the position of the country. The excuse he made was the propriety of considering the affairs of Italy. He began by referring to the subject of our finances, and the expenses of the war, and then proceeded to say, that with regard to naval operations, as it was evident that the enemy did not mean to meet us in that field, it could not be expected that the war could be terminated by our fleet. There was danger, in his opinion, upon the Asiatic frontier of Turkey, and the large allied force collected in the Crimea would be met by a large Russian army from Poland and other parts. He could not but think that these were matters for very grave reflection. Serious questions might also arise with reference to propositions for peace. The Turkish Ambassador at Vienna was perfectly satisfied with the terms proposed by Count Buol, and if the Ottoman Government should be of opinion that terms of peace had been proposed which afforded sufficient security, and the war should be still carried on, not for the security of Turkey, but for the maintenance of the military reputation of France and England, the position of these two countries would be very much changed, and we must then subsidise Turkey. With regard to France, the Emperor of the French, he observed, had been not only so faithful, but so prudent and just an ally, that he was disposed to pay great consideration to any opinion of his as to negotiations for peace; but, if an opportunity should arise, and

safe and honourable terms were offered, he hoped the war would not be prolonged. Lord John then proceeded to review the condition of Italy, and especially the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, where he said the best men were pining in imprisonment, and Tuscany, where the old plan of religious toleration and mildness had been exchanged for a tormenting system of persecution which was a disgrace to the country. And what aggravated the matter was, that these evils were taking place because one of the principal States of Italy-the State of the Church-was in part in the occupation of Austrian troops, while its capital, Rome, was occupied by those of France. The Pope must be dependent upon one or other of these foreign States, and there was no symptom that the Papal authority was gaining ground, or that if the foreign troops were withdrawn, it would not give place to some irregular authority. If this was the case, what prospect was there that either the Emperor of Austria or the Emperor of the French would withdraw his troops? And if the occupation continued indefinitely, the Pope must cease to be an independent prince, and there would be a disturbance of the balance of power in Europe. Was it not possible for the English Government, in concert with France and Austria, to devise some system of Government for the Roman States consonant with the interests of the people and with the elements of justice? He called the attention of the Government to this subject, and he could not but think that the Emperor of the French would be most happy to concert with us some system of government which

would admit of his troops being withdrawn from Rome.

After some observations by Mr. Wilkinson, Lord Palmerston replied to Lord John Russell. At the outset he denounced Mr. Gladstone's speech of the 3rd of August, who had been a party to the commencing the war, had assisted in carrying it on, and then declared it unjust, conjured up imaginary disasters, and magnified the resources of the enemy, and the difficulties of his own nation. Lord John Russell had intimated doubts as to the operations of the war. The Government could not enter into any explanations upon that subject, nor as to the terms of peace. The former must depend upon circumstances, and the conditions of peace upon the results of the war. With respect to the remark of Lord John Russell, that the Turkish Ambassador had been of opinion that the Austrian proposal ought to have been accepted, and that he had been overborne by the opinions of England and France, he had no reason to believe or to suppose that the Turkish Government differed from England and France as to the propriety of not accepting that proposal. But the objects of the war were wider than could depend upon the decision of the Turkish Government. The protection of Turkey was a means to an end; behind the protection of Turkey was the greater question of repressing the grasping ambition of Russia, and preventing the extinction of the principles of political and commercial liberty. He should not, therefore, be prepared to say that it ought to be left to Turkey to decide the conditions of the future peace of Europe, the Governments

of England and France having as great or a greater interest in the matter. But there was no reason to suppose, he said, that any difference of opinion was likely to arise; and up to that moment there was a perfect unanimity of opinion between the Governments of Turkey, England, and France. Lord John Russell had adverted to a topic of great public interest, but a tender point the condition of Italy. He (Lord Palmerston) assented to his painful description of the state of that country, particularly Naples, where the influence of Russia was predominant. The protection which France and Austria had given to the Government of the Roman State was a topic delicate to deal with; but with regard to France, the effect of her occupation of Rome had been, that of securing tranquillity, and her force had been recently very much diminished. With regard to the Austrian occupation, that had altogether ceased in Tuscany, and the actual number of Austrian troops in Italy had not been increased; so that the notion that Austria had changed her policy with respect to the Allies, and was pursuing a course in Italy contrary to her relations with England and France, was wholly unfounded. Whether or not she would at a future time take the field with England and France, of one thing he was satisfied-that she would not take the field against them. As to the suggestion of Lord John Russell, that means might be employed to ameliorate the condition of Italy, it must be painful, he observed, to witness the state of that great people, endowed by nature with the highest qualities, and it must be the earnest wish of every states

man to endeavour not only to alleviate it, but to open to them a career worthy of them. He assured the House that no fair and proper opportunity would be lost. If the foreign troops should leave Italy, unfortunately the road from bad government to good was not a smooth and easy one; but he thought he could answer for the Government of France-he was sure he could say for that of England-that their attention would not be withheld from this interesting matter, and that they were anxious to further the benevolent object which Lord John Russell had at heart.

After some observations by Mr. Henley, who said he could not see why the subject had been introduced at all, the Bill was read a third time.

Finally, on the 14th of August, the all-absorbing topic of the war was once more introduced by Sir de Lacy Evans. It was literally the eleventh hour; for the House of Commons were waiting for the Black Rod to summon them to hear the Queen's Speech. General Evans spoke at some length on the conduct of the war, with a view of eliciting from Lord Palmerston a declaration that the Government were determined to prosecute the war with vigour during the recess. He said he was old enough to recollect that at the close of the last war we had 80,000 British troops, and 40,000 Portuguese troops, commanded by British officers, on the coast of Spain; besides which, we assisted the Spanish government, maintained troops in the Mediterranean, and made war in Canada. Comparing these numbers with those in the Crimea, it would be seen, he contended, that

there was a great falling off in energy in the conduct of the war. The Government must desire to reinforce the army in the Crimea; but they had not taken means, by augmenting the bounty and afford ing other facilities, to raise recruits. He pointed out that there were 320,000 men in India, 40,000 of whom were British soldiers; seven seasoned battalions at the Cape, two in Ceylon-in fact, ten battalions of seasoned soldiers who might be made available for service in the Crimea, by sending native Indian Irregular Cavalry to the Cape, and Sepoys to the Mauritius, Ceylon, and Hongkong. It would be easy to increase the native forces in India, and have 20,000 British soldiers ready for service in the Crimea in three months. He further expressed his satisfaction at the state and numbers of the Foreign Legion and the Turkish Contingent; and suggested that a brigade of 5000 men should be drawn from the Irish constabulary. With regard to a Polish Legion, that was a matter of delicacy. But all Poland was not Austrian; and if it was desired to show deference to Austria, let there be a special provision that no subjects of the Gallician provinces should be enrolled; but only

Russian Poles. We ought to take an opportunity of showing how small was the minority which concurred in gloomy views and statements like those made by the noble lord who distinguished-or rather extinguished-himself at Vienna.

Lord Palmerston said that nobody was more entitled than Sir de Lacy Evans to express his opinions on the conduct of the war; and the suggestions just made should receive the deepest consideration. When Sir de Lacy heard the Queen's Speech, he would find that the views entertained by Her Majesty were in accordance with those previously expressed by the Government. It was true that a larger army was in the field at the close of the last war than was now in the Crimea; but if the first year of the Peninsular war was taken, it would be found that the efforts we were now making were greater than those made by the British Government at the commencement of that war.

Lord Palmerston, who had spoken in a hurried tone, was interrupted by the arrival of the message from the Lords; and he then concluded by assuring General Evans that his suggestions should receive full consideration.