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CONTENTS

History of human civilization. a part of Sociology, p. 1.-Early history based on

ethnography, p. 2.-Errors in method, pp. 2, et seq.-How we can from

ethnographical facts acquire information regarding the early history of man-

kind, pp. 3-6.-Dr. Tylor's method of investigating the development of
institutions,' pp. 4, et seq.—The causes of social phenomena, p. 5.-What
we know about the antiquity of the human race, pp. 5, et seq.—Social sur-
vivals, p. 6. Human marriage,' ibid.

The increase of the sexual instinct at the end of spring or in the beginning of
summer, probably a survival of an ancient pairing season, pp. 34, et seq.-
The winter maximum of conceptions, pp. 35-37.-Why man is not limited
to a particular period of the year in which to court the female, pp. 37, et seq.
-Domestic animals without a definite pairing season, p. 38.

The 'classificatory system of relationship,' pp. 82-84.- Marriage in a group'
and the consanguine family,' pp. 84, et seq.-Mr. Morgan's assumption that
the classificatory system' is a system of blood ties, p. 85.-Terms for
relationships borrowed from the children's lips, pp. 85-87.-Other terms,

pp. 87-89.-Mr. Morgan's assumption not consistent with the facts he has

himself stated, p. 89. - The terms for relationships originally terms of address,

ibid.-The names given chiefly with reference to sex and age, as also to the

external, or social, relationship in which the speaker stands to the person

whom he addresses, pp. 90-95.-No inference regarding early marriage

customs to be drawn from the terms for relationships, pp. 95, et seq.-The

system of kinship through females only,' p. 96.-Supposed to be due to

uncertain paternity, pp. 96, et seq.-A list of peoples among whom this

system does not prevail, pp. 98-104.-The inference that kinship through

females only' everywhere preceded the rise of 'kinship through males

inadmissible from Mr. McLennan's point of view, p. 105.-The maternal

system does not presuppose former uncertainty as to fathers, ibid.-The

father's participation in parentage not discovered as soon as the mother's,

thongh now universally recognized, pp. 105-107.-Once discovered, it was

often exaggerated, p. 106. -The denomination of children and the rules of

succession, in the first place, not dependent on ideas of consanguinity,

p. 107. Several reasons for naming children after the mother rather than

after the father, apart from any consideration of relationship, ibid.--The_tie

between a mother and child much stronger than that which binds a child to

the father, pp. 107, et seq.-Polygyny, p. 108.-Husband living with the

wife's family, pp. 109, et seq.-The rules of succession influenced by local

connections and by the family name, pp. 110-112.-No general coincidence

of what we consider moral and immoral habits with the prevalence of the male

and female line among existing savages, p. 112.-Occasional coincidence of

the paternal system with uncertainty as to fathers, ibid. —A vowed recog-

nition of kinship in the female line only does not show an unconsciousness of

male kinship, pp. 112, et seq.-The prevalence of the female line would not

presuppose general promiscuity, even if, in some cases, it were dependent

on uncertain paternity, p. 113.-The groups of social phenomena adduced as
evidence for the hypothesis of promiscuity no evidence, ibid.

Males active, females comparatively passive, in courtship, pp. 157, et seq.-Court-
ship by women among certain peoples, pp. 158, et seq.-Courtship by proxy,
p. 159.-Fighting for females among the lower animals, ibid.-Among
men, pp. 159-163.-Making love, p. 163.-Fights by women for the
possession of men, p. 164.-Female coquetry, ibid.

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