of June, has been entirely transformed, and the greatness of the change is beyond doubt a warning to us not to be too sanguine of the maintenance of the advances made in Europe. In the middle of June the Russians had invested Kars, and, although its forts were too strong to be carried by assault, it was hoped that the garrison might be reduced by starvation, and by that destruction of its resources which might fairly be anticipated from incessant shelling and artillery fire. Whilst this stronghold was thus invested, a division advanced westwards, threatening Erzeroum, and defeated the Turks near Delibaba on the 16th of June. From that time, however, the Russian fortunes waned. It would seem that the scheme of the Russian campaign was too extensive for the forces at the disposition of the Commander-in-Chief, and it is perhaps to this cause that may be traced the rumoured disagreements between the Grand Duke Michael and General Loris Melikoff. Whatever the explanation, the facts are beyond dispute. The Russians withdrew as steadily as they advanced, until in the middle of the month Kars was wholly relieved of the investing army, and a large portion of the troops of the invader had crossed the frontier. Ardahan has indeed throughout remained in Russian occupation, and the position does not seem to have been seriously threatened. On the other hand, the garrison placed in Bayazid after its capture were in turn besieged, and were reduced to great straits when they were successfully relieved on the 12th July by General Tergekasoff. The most disastrous check suffered by the Russians was at Zewin, about half-way between Kars and Erzeroum, on the 25th of June. General Melikoff, in the prosecution of his adventurous march towards Erzeroum, attacked superior Turkish forces under the command of an Austrian, General Kolmann, known in the Turkish service as Faizy Pasha. The battle lasted from 2 p.m. until night, and the losses sustained compelled the Russian general to draw back his forces to the east. The Turkish Commander-in-Chief, Muhktar Pasha, followed up this success by advancing with his main army towards Kars, and the raising of the siege, which has been already mentioned, was the immediate result. Reinforcements have since been ordered, and are probably now on their way, if some of them have not arrived at Alexandropol. At this moment (the 25th) the Russians are apparently disposed to resume the offensive, and to advance again into Armenia; but the signal success of the European movements has made the campaign in Asia Minor comparatively unimportant. The progress of the war during the last month has been in singular contradiction to what was understood to be the official opinion at Berlin. It was thought that the conquest of Armenia would be easy, but the passage of the Danube and the Balkans difficult. It was, perhaps, in consequence of these opinions that the plans of the campaign in Europe were most carefully made, and the preparations for carrying them out were

id exact, while less attention was paid to the organization of in Armenia.

The agitation produced by the war in the countries bordering on Turkey has not yet culminated in any positive action. We have already mentioned that the Austro-Hungarian Government has continued to maintain its attitude of neutral watchfulness, and the probability of its intervention in force necessarily diminishes, as each successive stage of Russian advance is seen to provoke no movement towards it. The Servians have also maintained their neutrality. An election to fill some vacant places in the Skuptschina has resulted in the return of deputies pledged to support M. Ristics, and the chances of an active policy being adopted were thus strengthened, but nothing has been done. The Turks are naturally extremely distrustful of Servian neutrality, and continue to guard, as best they can, the borders of the principality. Montenegro has been practically relieved of the presence of the enemy. Suleiman Pasha has been ordered to take the command in Roumelia, and the greater part of his forces are transferred with him. Some overtures are said, on on doubtful authority, to have been made to Prince Nikita to negotiate a separate peace, and to have been refused. The coalition cabinet in Greece has not taken action, and the reports of risings in Crete require confirmation.

The month has not been eventful in France, but everything tends to encourage the belief that the hopes of the Republicans will be realised at the general election. A wonderful unanimity of feeling has been exhibited by the Liberals, while divisions have appeared among the ranks of the Conservatives. The Liberals have also been most prudent and self-restrained in spite of many provocations to passion. The vote of the Senate of the 22nd June, assenting to the Dissolution of the Chamber, was followed by the issue of a decree of dissolution on the 25th. The bureaux of the several sections of deputies of the Left had already met, and resolved that the 363 deputies who voted want of confidence in the ministry on the 17th May, should offer themselves collectively for re-election; and on the 25th the bureaux of the three sections of the Left in the Senate met, and agreed to a declaration which deserves to be quoted :—

"That the re-election of the 363 who voted the order of the day of the 19th of June, against the Ministry presided over by M. de Broglie, is a civil duty, and is incumbent on the country; that that election will be the most solemn affirmation France can give of her resolution to maintain and consolidate the public institutions alone capable of insuring order at home and peace abroad. Appealing to the patriotism of all, they reckon upon no Republicans offering themselves as candidates in opposition to the 363 deputies who voted the order of the day of want of confidence."

This appeal has been observed in the letter and the spirit. No Liberal has appeared to dispute the claim of the least important of the three hundred and sixty-three to re-election, and no whisper of comparison of the respective merits of the several sections of the Left has been heard. The spectacle of combined resolution thus presented is imposing, and cannot fail to have its effect on the French nation when the time of the elections arrives. On the other side nothing has been steadfast except the resolution of the Ministry to use all possible means of securing the success of their partisans. The Marshal himself has not refrained from ill-omened words, though they may have been used without any sinister meaning. A review at Longchamps, on the 1st July, was followed by an Order of the Day on the 2nd, in which the President, addressing the soldiers, said, "Yes, you comprehend your duties; you feel that the country has intrusted to you the custody of its dearest interests. On every occasion I count on you to defend them. You will help me, I am certain, to maintain respect for authority and law in the discharge of the mission confided to me, and which I shall fulfil to the end." These words may be innocently interpreted, but no one can be certain that they do not refer to serious perils. The Marshal may be encouraged to exaggerate his estimate of his mission, already excessive, until he is brought to believe that he is charged with the duty of putting down, at all costs and by any means, those whom he regards as the enemies of "authority and law," bent on overturning what he is sworn to defend. The language of the Marshal is not different in kind from the language of Charles X. The uneasiness excited by his phrases would however pass away, were it not that all men are conscious that he has among his advisers persons prepared to resort to any extremity in pursuit of their aims. The Order of the Day was immediately followed by a circular from the Minister of the Interior to the Prefects, claiming for the Government the largest right of intervening in the elections and ordering the Prefects to exert themselves to the utmost in recommending Government candidates. M. de Fourtou wrote, that "the Government has not only the right, it is its duty, to point out to the electoral body the candidates who support, and those who oppose its policy ;" and added, that "functionaries of every kind are knit to the Government which has appointed them by ties they are bound not to forget. We cannot permit any of them to be hostile to us. Any who are not afraid to use against the Government the authority they hold from it need expect neither toleration nor indulgence." Prefectoral changes followed this circular, seven Prefects and ten sub-Prefects, besides other functionaries, being removed, and their successors being men who had served under the Empire or in the former De Broglie Cabinet.

The campaign thus instituted has been maintained without remis

In the 1.

1

.....unes, an affiche printed at the public eqoist and p'. outside the mairies throughout France, "the 55" devains s re described as men "whose programme was to d organize and abolish the army as they would disorganize and abolish all, the army,-everything which makes our prosperity and grandeur." M. Brunet, Minister of Public Instruction, addressed a note to the Prefects requiring them to furnish him with a detailed account of the attitude and acts of the functionaries employed in the administration in the various departments. M. Paris, the Minister of Public Works, addressed a circular to railway directors, reminding them that the State had subjected railway servants to supervision, and had a right to insist upon their dismissal; and M. Cailloux, the Minister of Finance, issued yet another circular to the departmental receivers of revenue, directing them to warn their subordinates that, while they retain an entire freedom to vote, they must not adopt an attitude permitting them to be classed with the adversaries of the Government. It is not surprising that M. John Lemoinne should have denounced this petty warfare as worse than the worst characteristics of the Empire. The Emperor would not have hunted small game." Yet it may be successful. Those who know the dependence of mind of every official in France upon his superiors cannot but feel that, in the absence of enormous deceit, the effect of these ministerial circulars must be to make every functionary from end to end of the country an active political agent against "the 363" and in favour of the candidates supported by the Government. The divisions among the Conservatives remain the best safeguard against the machinations of the ministers. The Imperialists began by openly confessing, or rather by boasting, that though they fought now for the Marshal, it was with the intention of bringing back the Prince Imperial in 1880. M. Tristan Lambert appeared before the electors of Fontainebleau, and while claiming to have been chosen as the Government candidate, avowed his resolution to do his utmost to restore the Empire. His conduct was condemned in a communiqué in the Moniteur, but M. Paul Cassagnac, and other less violent Bonapartists, loudly expressed their agreement in his conduct. On the other hand, a Catholic programme has been published in the Univers, in which every faithful child of the Holy Father is exhorted to support no one who will not pledge himself to make the promotion of the interests of the Papacy his chief object. Disputes have now arisen between the Orleanist supporters of the Marshal and the Ultramontanes; and the division in the Conservative camp has thus become general. It is probably in consequence of this that it has been resolved to postpone the election until the last possible moment-indeed, a period beyond the constitutional limit, as we understand it. The 14th October is now mentioned as the

day for the choice of the new chamber, and this is more. months later than the 25th June, the day of the issue of of Dissolution.

three decree

The work of Parliament during the month has been inconsiderable, but there has been a development of the temper and policy of the irreconcilable members from Ireland that threatens to involve the House of Commons in great difficulties. Among the business done must be recorded the debate, now become annual, on Mr. Trevelyan's motion in favour of the establishment of household suffrage in counties, and the redistribution of seats so as to obtain a juster representation of the people in Parliament. Lord Hartington, for the first time, voted and spoke in favour of Mr. Trevelyan's motions, and his adhesion brought with it the support of many Whigs who had hitherto abstained from voting. Mr. Lowe repeated his former vote against the proposals, and Mr. Goschen, who had hitherto been neutral, went into the same lobby with Mr. Lowe, and defended in a speech his separation from his party. His opposition cannot be said to have been very effective. Part of it was a plea for delay that we might be better informed of the character of the voters admitted in 1867, when tried by the pressure of adverse times; part of it was based on the opposition of the wage-earning classes, not only in England, but in English colonies, to the truths of political economy, and Mr. Goschen referred to the social legislation introduced since 1867 in illustration of the dangerous tendencies of the democracy. On the whole, Mr. Goschen's speech was more remarkable for its courage than for its breadth of vision or logical power; and there is truth in the observation reported to have been made by Lord Hartington, that his late colleague and himself had shown the ardour of new converts in their contributions to the discussion. Mr. Trevelyan's speech was a repetition of arguments used on former occasions, and Sir Stafford Northcote opposed the motions with arguments that were simply dilatory. The most languid interest was felt in the debate, and there was at one time a danger that the House would be "counted" in the middle of the discussion. The action of Lord Hartington may be accepted as a proof that the assimilation of the county to the borough franchise will be henceforth part of the official programme of the Liberal party; but there is no reason to suppose that the problem of reconstructing the system of representation of the nation in Parliament has as yet been seriously considered by Liberal or Conservative leaders.

The questions raised by the action of a small band of members from Ireland will, for some time to come, be an occasion of much embarrassment in the House of Commons. At the commencement of the present session it was observed that Mr. Parnell and Mr.