that my own abdication was now the ultimatum. They added that it was true that resistance was still possible-that the troops would be eventually successful; but that it would cost dear, and be the commencement of a civil war.' These statements tend to confirm the belief that Louis Philippe's action was paralyzed by his determination that no blood should be shed in defence of his dynasty, as he was not on the throne by hereditary right but by the voice of the people, and that if they turned against him he would not remain. But it has been justly said, 'When a nation places a monarch on the throne, they have a right to expect that he shall maintain himself there unless they have declared in unmistakable terms that they accept a revolution, with its inevitable disasters, in preference to retaining him. This was just what France had not declared, and the fact is remembered there to this hour with peculiar bitterness.' There can be no doubt that the revolution was not contemplated or expected, and that it took every one by surpriseespecially Odillon Barrot and his associates, who had taken a lead in the agitation for reform. They wished to overturn the Ministry, but not the constitution or the throne. A timely change of Ministry might have averted the catastrophe, and if the first outbreak on the part of the populace had been firmly dealt with, the rising would VOL. III. have been speedily suppressed. But 'the action of a reckless mob bent on the gratification of selfish or vindictive passions, and instigated by leaders prompt to turn to profit the confusion into which both sovereign and subjects had been suddenly thrown, and who were ready at a moment's notice to tear down all existing institutions for the purpose of recasting them in moulds of their own devising, was mistaken for the movement of a nation deliberately resolved to substitute for a monarchy of which it was weary that ideal republic of which it had long dreamed.' At the same time it cannot be denied that the selfish apathy and timidity of the middle classes in Paris contributed not a little to the overthrow of the government and the dynasty, and a righteous retribution speedily overtook them. But a still more unfavourable idea of public morality in France at this period is given by the manner in which distinguished generals, including Marshal Bugeaud; eminent public functionaries; heads of the law like M. Seguin, Premier President of the High Court of Appeal, and M. Dupin, Procureur-Général of the Court of Cassation, the confidential law adviser of Louis Philippe; dignitaries of the church, among whom the Archbishop of Paris was conspicuous for his abject subserviency; Legitimist and even Orleans deputies-hastened in the most fulsome terms to give in their adhesion to the new Republic. 'Verily they had their reward.' 17 Character of the Austrian Government in Lombardy-Its treatment of the Milanese-Insurrection in Milan- General Radetzky driven back to Verona-Risings in Venice, Lucca, Modena, and Tuscany-Appeal of the Lombards to the King of Sardinia-His Position and Motives for taking up Arms against the Austrians-Supineness of the Milanese, and perversity and folly of the Republicans-Energy and skill displayed by Radetzky-Junction of Nugent's corps with his forces-The Papal army beaten-Conduct of the Pope-The Neapolitan troops withdrawn from the Italian army-Negotiations for the surrender of Lombardy-Radetzky's vigorous movements-He defeats the Piedmontese and compels them to retreat to their own territory-Armistice between Austria and Sardinia-Revolution in Sicily and Naples-Concessions of the King-Their rejection-Suppression of the Insurrections in the Two Sicilies-Condition of affairs in the Papal States-Murder of Count Rossi-Flight of the Pope-Revolutionary movements in the German States-Tumults in Vienna-Metternich's resignation and flight-Policy of the Austrian Camarilla-Feebleness of the Emperor-Futility of his concessions-His departure from the Capital-Agitation among the Slavonians-Clubs formed in Prague-An insurrection of the populace suppressed by Prince Windischgrätz-Outbreak at ViennaMurder of Count Latour-Bombardment of the City-Its surrender-Execution of Deputy Blum and the Commandant of the National Guards-Formation of the Schwartzenberg Ministry-Abdication of the Emperor in favour of his Nephew-Revolution in Berlin-Ordinances issued by the King of Prussia-His vacillating and imprudent conduct— Collision between the Populace and the Military-Concessions of the King-Injurious effects of his policy-Revolutionary conduct of the Assembly-Outbreaks of the mob-Appointment of the Brandenburg Ministry-Adjournment of the Assembly to Brandenburg-Foolish and violent conduct of the Majority-Their expulsion from the ChamberDissolution of the Assembly-Proclamation of a new Liberal Constitution-Insurrection of the Poles in PosenSanguinary conflicts between them and the Germans-Suppression of the Insurrection. and industry of the country was restricted, to favour the interests of other provinces of the empire and of government manufactories. Even religion was enslaved by the Austrian despots, and turned into an engine of government. THE sudden and formidable convulsion | spies. The development of the commerce which had taken place in France acted like fire set to heather, among the inflammable materials with which Europe was at this time filled. The news of the revolution operated like an electric shock upon Italy, and every one expected that the Lombards would at once make a vigorous attempt to throw off the hated yoke of Austria. For upwards of a quarter of a century they had been subjected to oppression in its most galling form. They were harassed by the brutal force of military despotism, and ruled at the point of the bayonet. Laws of the most arbitrary character were thrust upon them, and administered by foreign functionaries who were ignorant both of the statutes and customs of the people, and enforced by the prison, the pillory, and the gallows. All classes suffered alike; but the oppression was most keenly felt by the higher and more educated classes, who were deprived of all that freemen most value-especially of the right of free thought and of free speech. Civil rights they had none, and every man held his personal liberty and his property at the discretion of an inquisitorial political police and subservient or corrupt magistrates, aided by an organized army of To crown all, it was by Austrian power that the other bad governments of Italy were upheld. Some of them were prohibited by direct engagement from conceding a constitution to their subjects, and every attempt on the part of the people in any of the Italian states to improve their system of government was suppressed by force of arms. The Government of Austria was justly termed 'the great insurance office for the otherwise dangerous speculations of tyranny.' As an indication of their feeling towards the Austrian rule, which had become intolerable, and also for diminishing the revenue, the Milanese resolved to give up the use of tobacco; and on the 2nd of January the only smokers in the streets were the police and a few persons who were not aware of the public determination. The smokers were hissed, and the soldiers began to insult and ill-use the people. The Austrian authorities resolved to avail them of occupying the line of the Adda, and renewing his attack on Milan. By this time, however, the revolt was universal. The Austrian general was in consequence obliged to retreat to the line of the Mincio, and to take up a position in front of the strong fortress of Verona. Milanese in discussing the most suitable form of Government when the hallowed. soil of the country should have ceased to be sullied by the foot of the foreign oppressor.' selves of the opportunity to excite an insurrection, which would afford them a pretext for measures of the utmost severity. On the 3rd they spread a report among the soldiers that a conspiracy to murder them had been discovered, and a printed handbill, which undoubtedly originated with the police, was circulated among them, of a The citizens of Venice, who had felt with kind calculated to rouse their worst pas- especial bitterness the pressure of the sions. A liberal allowance of brandy and Austrian domination, following the example cigars was then distributed among the of Milan, established a Provisional Governsoldiers, and thus excited they were per-ment, and pledged themselves by proclamamitted to go about the streets in parties of tion, on the 26th of March, to join with the thirty or forty, without officers, insulting and annoying peaceful citizens. Towards evening these licensed bandits drew their swords and fell indiscriminately on the unarmed inhabitants who chanced to come in their way. In this manner sixty-one persons were murdered, some of them with shocking barbarity, and forty-two were severely wounded. No attempt was made to repress these disorders, and Radetzky, when appealed to, merely said, 'the injured troops cannot be restrained;' and the Emperor was made to sign a letter to the Viceroy of Lombardy, not only approving what had taken place, but threatening worse for the future. Two letters were intercepted from the Archduke Rainer, the Viceroy's son, expressing his hope that at least 500 Milanese have been killed on the spot. The soldiers,' he added, 'will have shown little moderation; so much the better.' Notwithstanding these cruel outrages, no rising took place among the Lombards until tidings reached them that a revolution had broken out in Vienna, and that Prince Metternich, the author of the Austrian policy in Italy, was a fugitive. On the 18th of March the citizens of Milan rose in insurrection, overpowered the guard, took the Vice-governor O'Donnell prisoner, hoisted the Italian tricolor on the Viceroy's palace and on the cathedral, and after several days' desperate fighting compelled Radetzky to evacuate the city. He retreated towards Lodi with the intention In the previous year the inhabitants of the Duchy of Lucca demanded in a peaceful yet significant manner that a National Guard should be constituted, and that some patriots who had been arrested should be set at liberty. The Duke at once intimated that he would follow the example of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and would grant the liberty of the press, a National Guard, and the liberation of the prisoners. But he repented of these concessions almost as soon as they had been made, and fled to the Modenese territory. On the following day, however, he returned to Lucca, at the request of a deputation of his subjects. His unfitness for his office had become apparent to all, and to the great delight of the people an amicable arrangement was made for the annexation of Lucca to the Duchy of Tuscany, to which a new and popular constitution had been granted by the Grand Duke. The same spirit of abhorrence of Austria as pervaded Lombardy and the Venetian territory spread throughout the Tuscan States. The Duke of Modena, who had been the willing tool of the Viennese Cabinet, and had the management of their police system in Italy, was driven from his dominions. The Duke of Parma shared his fate, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany was obliged to yield to the pressure of his subjects, and to join in the national movement against the Milanese territory, bearing 'the arms of Austria. Savoy above the Italian tricolor flag, for the purpose of more fully showing by external signs the sentiment of Italian unity.' Towards the end of April Charles Albert put his army in motion, and crossed the Mincio at the head of 90,000 men; but of these only 5000 were Lombard volunteers, although the freedom of their country was the prize that was at stake in the contest. With a mixture of supineness utterly without excuse, and a rash confidence in the result, they left the King of Sardinia almost unaided to fight their battle, and to fail when their prompt and vigorous assistance might have secured him victory. The inefficient support of the Milanese, who fancied that the expulsion of the Austrians was already accomplished, was not the only cause of Charles Albert's failure to vindicate the independence of Italy. The perversity of the Republican party contributed largely to this result. Mazzini, their zealous but violent and injudicious leader, at this crisis was at Milan, where the dissensions of the Republicans and the Moderate Provisional Government were extreme. There was sent to him from the camp an old friend and loyal patriot,' proposing that the Republicans should heartily support the King and the fusion of Piedmont with Lombardy, and that they should in return have influence in framing the constitution of North Italy. Mazzini's reply was that the Republicans had three ideas Earnest appeals had for some time been made by the insurgent Lombards to the King of Sardinia, who had promulgated a new constitution to his own subjects, to come to their assistance in the struggle for Italian unity; but he long hesitated as to the course which he should follow. His previous career, indeed, had not been calculated to inspire much confidence in him as a supporter of liberal institutions; and though he no doubt felt a generous sympathy with the cause of Italian independence, at this juncture he was mainly influenced by personal considerations in the policy which he ultimately adopted. He was well aware that his own crown would be endangered, if he turned a deaf ear to the clamorous demands of his subjects that he should assist in expelling the obnoxious foreigners from the Italian territories. He also knew that if he did not at once lend his aid to the Milanese to vindicate their independence, they might, with the aid of France, establish a republic at his own doors, and such a step would undoubtedly expose the throne of Piedmont to serious peril. On the other hand, he was by no means blind to the danger he might incur from the displeasure of the other Powers of Europe, if by invading the Austrian provinces in Italy he were to be the first to violate the settlement made by the Treaty of Vienna. In the end the instinct of immediate safety from the revolutionary storm, combined first, the independence of Italy; next, its with the ambitious hope that he might unity; third, the Republic. The Republic annex the rich province of Lombardy to his they were willing to postpone; but they own dominions, and become the sovereign required that Charles Albert should exof a kingdom of North Italy, if he should plicitly declare for unity, and break give effectual aid to the Lombards in achiev- avowedly with all the governments of ing their deliverance from the detested Italy. If he would do this, they would Austrian yoke, turned the scale in favour use every effort to raise in his aid all the of intervention; and on the 23rd of March revolutionary elements of Italy.' In other he issued a proclamation to the 'peoples of words, they insisted, as the price of their Lombardy and Venice,' offering the help assistance, that the king should make a which brother expects from brother and declaration of hostility to all the existing friend from friend,' and announcing his governments, whether vacillating, neutral, resolution to advance with his army into or friendly; a step which would, of course, have at once provoked their hostility, and in particular would have transferred the Neapolitan army of 80,000 men, which was on the Italian side, to the Austrian ranks. General Pepe, himself a Republican, has animadverted not more severely than justly on the conduct of these perverse and intolerant friends of liberty. The only one,' he says, of the princes of real Italian dynasty, and able to dispose of an army of 100,000 valiant men, warmly embraced the national cause. This circumstance would have been sufficient to insure the success of Italy, if the valorous prince who had the generosity to hasten to the aid of the intrepid Lombards had not been perpetually thwarted by a proud and poor aristocracy, by his Jesuit clergy, and by no small number of patriots, some of whom, through ignorance, others through selfinterest, acted to the prejudice of Italy by giving themselves up to the most senseless anachronisms, since they were more impatient to obtain liberal institutions than to drive away the foreigner, whose presence signified slavery. Had it not been for these misfortunes, this Prince would have redeemed Italy.' There can be no doubt that, in spite of errors and evil fortune, and the defection of false and half-hearted friends, the independence of Italy must have been achieved had those who really desired it but had the common and obvious prudence, at a time when imprudence was a crime, to postpone other questions for the moment, and strive with one will for the one object of making her so. It has been explicitly stated, indeed, by a leading member of the Revolutionary party, that they wished rather to hinder than to promote the efforts of Charles Albert to drive out the Austrians, as they cherished the confident belief that on the failure of his enterprise the French would interpose and assist the Italians in establishing a Republic. In the critical position of the Austrian empire at this time everything depended upon Marshal Radetzky, a veteran soldier, the idol of his army, who though eighty He was three years of age, was still alert and vigorous, and determined to do his duty, whoever might fail in theirs. master only of the ground held by his forces, but he was resolved sternly and tenaciously to maintain what he believed to be the rights of his sovereign over Lombardy. He had concentrated his forces in front of Verona, and there he stood firm, and waited for reinforcements from the Tyrol, but much more anxious for the junction of the corps advancing to support him through the provinces of Friuli. The Italian army was meanwhile engaged in besieging Peschiera, one of the strongholds of the celebrated Quadrilateral, and the key of an extensive district. At the end of May Radetzky attempted to relieve the fortress by a fierce attack on the Sardinian lines. There was sharp fighting on the 28th, 29th, and 30th of May; but on the last of these days Radetzky suffered a severe defeat, and Peschiera immediately surrendered. General Pepe was of opinion. that the success was dearly bought, for the capture of the fortress cost more time than it was worth. While Charles Albert was pressing the siege of Peschiera, General Nugent was leading his corps down from the passes of Friuli through the Venetian provinces. It was the duty of the Papal troops under General Durando to prevent the junction of Nugent and Radetzky; but he was not hearty in the cause, obstinately refused to risk an engagement, and retired before the Austrian forces. In consequence before the end of June the main body of Nugent's corps, consisting of 15,000 men, had joined Radetzky at Verona, leaving the reserve before Vicenza, in which General Durando had shut himself up with his troops, 15,000 in number. There had previously been some hard fighting between the octogenarian Austrian Marshal and the Sardinian forces, in which the latter on the whole had the advantage. But while Charles Albert was engaged in strengthening his position at Rivoli, which he had just carried, Radetzky |