and other States, who held a meeting at Heidelberg, and appointed a committee to draw up the plan of a new German Parliament. A preliminary meeting, or Vor Parlament, as it was termed, was convoked for the 30th of March at Frankfort. It consisted of 400 members, who declared that there was an imperious necessity for the appointment of a representative assembly chosen by all the German States in proportion to their numbers, as much for the purpose of averting all danger in external or internal affairs as for developing the energy and prosperity of the country;' and they immediately set themselves to determine the basis upon which the representation of the various German States should be founded, and the mode in which the representatives should be elected. They first of all directed the Chamber of Deputies in the Duchy of Schleswig, which for 200 years had been incorporated with Denmark, to send deputies to the approaching National Assembly, which, of course, led to hostilities with Denmark. They next resolved that the old obstructive and absolutist Diet should be superseded by a central authority as the head of an imperial Diet, to be composed of an Upper and Lower Chamber. The leaders of the extreme party made a strenuous effort to carry a vote in favour of a great German republic, but they were defeated by large majorities. They then, under the command of two democratic leaders-Hecker and Struve-tried to excite insurrections in the south and west of Germany in support of their views. Riots, in consequence, took place in Stuttgart, Bamberg, Cassel, and Mannheim; but the insurgents, ill disciplined and badly led, were speedily and easily defeated. The miserable, cowardly behaviour of the Free-Corps,' says Wolfgang Menzel, who were only good for making rows, for shouting, swilling, and pillaging, but who would not fight, made the Republic from the outset at once impossible and ridiculous.' The old federal Diet had contributed not a little to conciliate the popular party by their prompt acquiescence in the proposal to convene a National Assembly, and by determining that the several States should be represented at their deliberations, each by a separate deputy. The Diet, at its best, as Stockmar said, had been since 1815 'a wretched machine, despicable and despised,' which the governments had one and all used as 'the instrument of a policy false and dishonourable in itself, and ruinous at once to princes and people.' Its very constitution made 'national activity and energetic consistent measures impossible.' That such a body should now have unanimously decreed the election of the National Assembly of Germany, is a remarkable proof of the change which the general excitement and apprehensions had brought about in the minds of all classes in the country. On the 18th of May the first German. National Assembly met at Frankfort. was felt at the outset that some central executive power should be created to administer such affairs as affected the nation. generally. Some weeks were spent in discussing the nature and limits of the authority which it was necessary to lodge. in the executive. At length the Assembly decreed, on the 28th of June, that this power should be confided to a vicar of the Empire, and the Archduke John, uncle of the then reigning Emperor of Austria, was appointed to the office by a large majority. Prussia was deeply offended at this step, and the other sovereigns held aloof. But the Diet voted an address to the Archduke, stating that even before the choice of the Assembly was made, they had been instructed by their respective governments to declare in favour of the election of his Imperial Highness. On the 12th of July the Archduke was solemnly installed at Frankfort as Vicar or Reichsverweser of the Empire. The Diet sent a deputation to invite him to appear among them in order that they might place in his hands the functional discharge of the constitutional rights and nother of queen Betona & ve best of the Depannens of Foren &A.. Bs the gas mayenty of the wwwmly won dorest that they entirely They had no materal soura & a comandar army, and to means of raing one They di had convergenty no porer to enforce their decrees; ut they thought ft to an as if they cold compel both woverelims and people to obey their mandates The real character of the Assembly is tersely and graphically devribed by Menzel In Frankfort sat a feeble old man among 500 talkers as powerless as himself, who unfortunately did all they could to destroy as quickly and as completely as possible their moral power, the only one they had.' The Assembly was very soon taught to feel its own impotence. The Vor Parlament had issued a decree, as we have seen, incorporating Schleswig with the German Confederation, and a Prussian army was sent to enforce that decree. The Danes fought gallantly against the invaders of their territory, but were obliged to retire before a superior force from the mainland to the neighbouring islands of Alsen and Fünen. A division of the Prussians then advanced into Jutland, a province purely Danish. This unwarrantable proceeding caused Sweden to interpose and to land a considerable force on the island of Fünen, while a Russian fleet was ordered to cruise along the Danish coast, and if necessary to weist the Danes. These prompt measures enused the Prussian forces to withdraw from Jutland; and through the mediation of Great konet of power on the part of Prussia: and ITNITE ra myny of 208 x 22, vá vald auc de andel This vite ved by the resignation of the Jakey, be babiman the lealer of the boste magnty who was intrusted with de firmade of a new Cabinet, scall fnd or the to join him in the attempt to carry out 8 1227essive poly. Meanwhile the vioSeat salas de revolutionary party in the Doilies themselves had contributed not a little to altemate their friends in the German Parlament: ani on the 16th of September, after a long and stormy delate, they reversed their former resolution by 257 votes to 208. So soon as it became known that the Assembly had resolved to support the armistice the extreme revolutionary party held monster meetings, at which the majority of the Assembly who had ratified the infamous armistice of Malmoe' were declared to have been guilty of high treason against the majesty, liberty, and honour of the German people.' Inflammatory speeches were addressed to the mob by these reckless and unprincipled demagogues, whose real object was to overturn the Government. In this emergency the Vicar persuaded Von Schmerling, the former Minister of the Interior, to resume office; and seeing clearly that both the safety of the Assembly and the public peace were in imminent danger, he hastily summoned detachments of Austrian, Prussian, and Bavarian troops from the neighbouring fortress of Mayence to protect the city. On the 18th a large and excited mob advanced to the Paulus Church, where the Assembly held its meetings, for the purpose of storming it, but found it protected by the soldiers. The rioters then began to throw stones at the troops, and to erect barricades in the streets; but after a sharp encounter, which lasted till midnight, they were defeated at all points with the loss of only eight of the military. Two of the most eminent menbers of the Assembly, however, Prince Lichnowski and Major Auerswald, while attempting to reason with the insurgents, were murdered with circumstances of brutal ferocity. by the respective States. The Constitution thus proposed for the new Germanic Empire was certainly of a most imposing character. 'All the hereditary estates of Austria, all the hoarded acquisitions of Prussia, all the accumulations of territorial capital, all the fragments of impoverished patrimonies comprised within the provinces bearing the German name, were to be fused anew into These shocking atrocities, and the danger a political creation of the most imposing they had so narrowly escaped, had a sober- grandeur, whose constituent States were ing effect even on the Radical members of to be guaranteed by the supreme Imperial the Assembly; and they set themselves in power all those privileges which had hitherto earnest to discuss the articles of the pro- been so vainly promised by their respective posed German Confederation. According sovereigns-representative assemblies, reto the draft of the Constitution, which was sponsible Ministries, rights of self-taxation, prepared by a committee, and substantially freedom of the press, independent judicial adopted by the Assembly, the countries tribunals, and trial by jury.' But based then comprising the Germanic Confedera- as it was upon universal suffrage, and plaction, including even their non-Germanic ing the control of both the Upper and territories, together with Schleswig and the Lower Chamber in the hands of the people, provinces of Eastern and Western Prussia, it was really what it was termed, a republic were to be fused into one 'grand, free, in disguise, and was consequently not likely fraternal empire,' the existing sovereignties to be regarded with favour by the crowned being limited and subordinated to this end. heads of Germany. The office of Emperor was to be hereditary, and Frankfort was to be its capital. A civil list was to be voted by the German Parliament for the support of the Imperial dignity. The executive in all the affairs of the empire was to be vested in the Emperor. He was to appoint all officers of the State, of the army and navy, and of the staff of the National Guard. He was to be intrusted with the charge of all negotiations between Germany and foreign states, with authority to conclude treaties, with the disposal of the army, and with power to declare war and make peace. The Imperial Parliament was to consist of two Houses-the Upper composed of the thirty-three reigning sovereigns or their deputies, by a deputy from each of the four Free Towns, and by the addition of as many Imperial councillors with certain qualifications as would raise the whole Chamber to the number of 200 members. The Lower House was to consist of representatives elected by the people in fixed proportions, but by methods to be arranged The next and most important step was the choice of a head to the new Executive. At one time the feeling was strong and prevalent that the King of Prussia could not be relied on, and that his professed sympathies with constitutional reform would in all probability evaporate in sentimental speeches and proclamations. But it had of late become evident that Austria need not be expected to take any part in promoting German unity. Her Prime Minister, Prince Schwartzenberg, had announced his intention to consolidate the empire as it stood with reference to purely Austrian interests, and she had thus voluntarily withdrawn herself from the German Confederacy. therefore argued with great force that Germany should act upon the same principle, and consolidate her purely German States with an exclusive reference to the welfare of the German Empire. That empire should therefore consist of purely German elements, and her Imperial interests be intrusted to the hands of a purely It was Crowned Braves' to him he referred will senatly refuse their onsent to his wingtin of the Imperial crown. Genan acrerel The Fame Mialen des Gemeng an Arula should retain Von Gagem, recommended the Avenly, der time something ani Frederick in keeping with these were to trest Austria Tham was quite well aware that the as a member of the Germanila Cunfolentia But to regard her as not included in the new Feleral Constitution. It went lent there fore, that it was to Prella they must lock In answer to an appeal made to them, for the central power which should take Austria Halter Bavaria, and Würtemthe place of that provisionally compled by lesz erplatly refused their assent to the the Regent Twenty-eight of the maller acceptance of the Imperial crown by the States Lad expressed themselves willing to King of Im and the Parliament at concur in this proposal; but the reigning Frikfin declined to make the alterations sovereigns of Saxony, Bavaria, Wartenberg, which he insisted on in the Germanic Conand Hanover, protestel against any measure stitution He therefore intimated to the which should place them under the authority Assenlly in distinct and unequivocal of the Prussian monarc terms, that he could not accept the crown, Notwithstanding the opposition of these which without the ornsent of these powers Powers the requisite majority was gained was an unreal dignity, and the Constituover by a compact which Ven Geger male din elf only a means gradually and with the democratic deputies, pleking under legal pretenes to set asile authority himself to consent to no material alter- and to introduce the Republic' ation of the Constitution. On the 25th of The Inath between the Assembly and March, 1849, the King of Prussia was Prussia rapidly wilted. On the adoption elected by the Assembly Emperor of Ger- of the res lutin, on the 2nd of March, many by 290 votes in a House of 588 to offer the Imperial crown to Frederick members. When the news reached Berlin William. Le Austrian deputies were it was received by the two Chambers, as ordered to leave the Assembly; and on they said, 'with feelings of exultation, and the 14th of May a royal ordinance was they immediately voted addresses earnestly issued enjoining the Prussian deputies to entreating the King to accept the Imperial a stain from taking any further part in crown. On the 3rd of April the deputation its proceedings The Assembly retaliated appointed by the Frankfort Assembly to tender the crown of Germany to the King waited upon him for that purpose, but the offer was declined. He could not, he said, accept the high office they proposed to confer upon him, without the voluntary assent of the Crowned Princes and Free States of our Fatherland'-a statement which could not fail to give great offence to a body who were not inclined to leave their hard-won rights at the mercy of princes swayed exclusively by a regard to their own privileges, and not to the welfare of their subjects. There can be no doubt that the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria had by this time come to an understanding that the old obstructive Diet should be restored, and by passing viclent resolutions against the Prussian Government. Thinking itself no longer safe in Frankfort, which was surrounded by the military forces of Prussia, it resolved, on the 30th of May, to remove to Stuttgart. The great body of the more moderate and judicious members of the Assembly Lad already retired, and a portion remained at Frankfort along with the Regent and the Ministry. At this juncture the plenipotentiaries of Prussia, Hanover, and Saxony issued a draft of an Imperial Federal Constitution which they had preparel for the formation of a great German empire. Austria, however, declared in decided terms her disapproval of the scheme, and Bavaria declined to join the combination. It was denounced also by the Rump of the Assembly at Stuttgart, who on the 6th | Peucker. The insurgents, who were led by of June passed a series of violent resolutions Mieroslawski, a Pole who had been promideposing the Regent, appointing five ex- nent in the risings in Posen and Sicily, made treme Republicans to carry on the Govern- a stout resistance, and on more than one ment, decreeing a general arming of the occasion nearly worsted the Prussian and people, and the levying of a heavy subsidy Federal forces; but in the end they were in men and arms on the State of Würtem- defeated, and their leader with a portion of berg. On this the Würtemberg Government his followers took refuge in Switzerland. took possession of their place of meeting Those who remained threw themselves into with a file of soldiers, and dispersed the the fortress of Rastadt, where they were members, who never met again. starved into a surrender. While the revolution in Germany had thus run its course, and 'the wheel had come full circle,' France was in the throes of a bloody civil war. At the very outset the Provisional Government had to direct their attention to a most difficult problem The great body of the German people were deeply disappointed at the failure of the attempt to form a Confederation of all the States throughout the empire, consequent on the refusal of the King of Prussia to accept the Imperial crown; and as had been predicted, it was immediately followed the support of the unemployed multiby fresh insurrections in the smaller States. tudes of Paris. They issued a proclamation The refusal of the King of Saxony to declaring that it was time to put an end to acknowledge the Frankfort Constitution the long and iniquitous sufferings of the led to a rising in Dresden, which com-workmen of Paris, and they appointed a pelled the King to take refuge in the permanent Commission to take charge of fortress of Königstein. A Provisional Government was formed, with a Polish refugee at its head. Several desperate conflicts took place in the streets, and it was not until a detachment of troops arrived from Berlin to the assistance of the Saxon forces that the city was retaken and the revolt finally crushed. Similar risings took place at the same time in Cologne, Elberfeld, Crefeld, Neuss, Hagen, Düsseldorf, and Iserlohn, and were not suppressed without a great deal of bloodshed. The insurrections in the Palatinate and the Duchy of Baden were much more serious, for there the troops made common cause with the insurgents. And as the Regent had not sufficient forces at his command to suppress these revolutionary excesses, the Bavarian Government, notwithstanding their jealousy of Prussia, were obliged to invoke the aid of Frederick William to restore order in the Palatinate. A strong body of Prussian troops, under General Herschfield and the Prince of Republic. Prussia, was accordingly sent to reinforce the Federal army commanded by General VOL. III. the organization of labour. National workshops, called Ateliers, were opened by the Government, where two francs a day were paid to the workmen; and as it was impossible to give employment to the crowds who applied for admission to the Ateliers, one franc a day was given to those for whom work could not be immediately provided. As might have been foreseen, this arrangement had a most injurious effect. The great body of the operatives preferred the smaller pay and idleness to higher wages and work, and the Ateliers were in consequence almost deserted. The greatest hostility was displayed against the English workmen employed on the railroads and in the different manufacturing establishments. Their masters were therefore everywhere obliged to dismiss them, and in many places they had to flee for their lives-an instructive example of the 'fraternity' proclaimed as one of the three watchwords of the The Communists or Socialists were a more formidable source of danger than 20 |