to say no word that could be misconstrued | foreign affairs could no longer be left in into an approval of the coup d'état, and they his hands with advantage to the country. were naturally surprised and displeased But in his anxiety to conciliate his powerwhen they learned that their colleague had ful colleague, who he well knew would anticipated and frustrated their decision. prove a most formidable enemy, he, unIt appears, however, that Lord John Russell luckily for himself, proposed that the himself had, on two different occasions at dismissed Foreign Secretary should accept private parties, expressed to Count Wa- the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. lewski approval of the Prince President's This offer, almost ironical in its character, conduct a fact of which Lord Palmerston was of course civilly declined, but it laid was quite aware-as well as that Lord Lans- the Premier open to the telling retort from downe, Mr. Charles Wood, and Lord Grey his late colleague, 'I do not admit your had concurred in this view. The Foreign charge of violations of prudence and deSecretary rested his defence on a justifi- corum, and I have to observe that the cation of the course which Louis Napoleon charge is refuted by the offer which you had adopted, asserting he had only anti- made me of the Lord Lieutenancy of Irecipated the plots of the Orleans family land, because I apprehend that to be an and the plans of the Assembly for his office for the due performance of the duties overthrow. Lord John insisted that the of which prudence and decorum are qualipoint at issue was not the action of ties that cannot well be dispensed with.' Louis Napoleon, but the conduct of Lord Palmerston himself in expressing approval without the knowledge of the Queen and the Cabinet. Believing as he did that this proceeding was quite unjustifiable, he intimated to him that he had come to the conclusion that the conduct of On Friday, the 5th of December, Count Walewski dined with Lord John,' wrote Lord Palmerston to Lord Lansdowne, relating a conversation he had with the Duke of Bedford, Lord Russell's brother, and met there some other Ministers of the Cabinet; and In the discussion which ensued in the House of Commons on Lord Palmerston's dismissal, the Prime Minister treated the ex-Secretary very unfairly, by dragging the Queen's name into the dispute, and reading the Memorandum, which Lord Palmerston said he had no reason to suppose would ever be seen by or known to anybody but Her Majesty, Lord Russell, and himself. The production of this document placed him at a great disadvantage, as a feeling of delicacy and a regard for the honour of his sovereign necessarily made his defence incomplete. Some of his friends disapproved of his reticence; but he remarked, with great good sense and good feeling, that by pursuing the course which they thought he ought to have followed, he should have been bringing for decision at the bar of public opinion a personal quarrel between himself and his sovewith my dismissal from office, and that he had stated to me all that he had then repeated to Lord John. reign-a step which no subject should take "But," said Lord John, "does Lord Palmerston mean if he could possibly avoid it, for the result to say all this in the House of Commons?" "Of that," of such a course must be either fatal to said Count Walewski, "I know nothing." Lord Palmerston was quite warranted in saying as he did to him or injurious to the country. If he the Duke that the ground on which Lord John Russell should prove to be in the wrong, he should had placed his dismissal was destroyed by this state-be irretrievably condemned; if the sovereigu should prove to be in the wrong, the monarchy would suffer. "that evening," said Count Walewski to Lord John, "upon that very sofa (pointing to one in the room) you expressed opinions if anything stronger than what Lord Palmerston had said to me on the Wednesday (3rd December); and whereas I had contented myself with reporting what Lord Palmerston had said in a private letter to M. Turgot, I made what you said the subject of an official despatch." Count Walewski said to me that after this Lord John asked him whether he had told all this to me, and Count Walewski said that having recently passed a day at Broadlands, he had talked over with me the circumstances connected 66 ment, which showed that he had done and said no more than Russell himself had said and done; and he justly complained that, finding his original ground thus rendered untenable, he very unfairly adopted in his speech other and quite different grounds. The conduct of Louis Napoleon was almost universally condemned by the people of the United Kingdom, and great astonishment was expressed that Lord Palmerston should have indicated in any form, and to any extent, his approval of it. At the same time the dismissal from office of the Minister whose Continental policy was applauded by the great body of the people, was generally regarded with deep regret and disapprobation. No one doubted that his dismissal rendered it impossible for the feeble and tottering Russell Ministry to hold its ground, though characteristically, the Premier himself was of a different opinion. He speedily discovered his mistake. Lord Palmerston believed that the real reason of his removal from office was 'a weak truckling to the hostile intrigues of the Orleans family of Austria, Russia, Saxony, and Bavaria, and in some degree also of the Prussian Government, who had for a long time past effectually poisoned the mind of the Queen and the Prince against him.' There is abundant evidence that an unfriendly feeling was entertained at the Court towards the powerful and popular Minister; but there is no reason to believe that foreign intrigues had anything to do with it, though he was both hated and dreaded by the Continental despots. No better proof could be given that Lord Palmerston was indeed what Lord John termed him in the Pacifico debate, the Minister of England'-a terror to crowned evil-doers-than the fact that all over Europe his removal from office was regarded as a triumph for Absolutism, and a blow to the Liberal cause. The Liberal party in Austria considered it as the utter annihilation of their hopes, while the Absolutists were in a perfect frenzy of delight. 'It will hardly be believed,' wrote the British ambassador at Vienna, that these arrogant fools here actually think that they have overthrown Lord Palmerston, and the vulgar triumph of Schwarzenberg knows no bounds. Not content with placarding the news with lying comments of all sorts, and despatching couriers into the provinces to circulate the most monstrous fictions about the "victory of Austrian policy," his bad taste has actually gone far enough to make him give a ball in conse quence.'* When Louis Napoleon had succeeded in arresting, imprisoning, banishing, or shooting his principal adversaries, and had obtained from the French people the office of President for ten years, he had expressed his determination that France should remain at peace with the other nations of Europe; but no confidence was placed in his declaration. He evidently intended to restore the Napoleonic Empire, and it was generally believed that he had served himself heir to the ambitious designs of his uncle, among which war with Great Britain was included. There is no reason to believe that he ever seriously contemplated any such desperate step, but at the time of the coup-d'état it seemed by no means an improbable event. It was evident that no reliance could be placed on his most solemn assurances; and it was generally believed that if he had imagined that a war with our country was necessary to the stability of his throne or his dynasty, he would have undertaken it without scruple. A feeling in consequence arose in the country that the national defences were inadequate, and that there was no provision to repel any sudden descent of an invader upon our shores, which might inflict serious injury and still more serious disgrace. A demand was therefore made that our naval force should be augmented, and the defences of our coasts increased and strengthened. In order to satisfy this demand the Government resolved to bring before Parliament a scheme for the re * Schwarzenberg had a bitter grudge against Palm erston, on account of his having warned Lady Ellenborough against his intrigues. He induced that misguided and unfortunate lady to elope with him, aud afterwards deserted her in the basest manner. He never again ventured to set foot in England. It is to be regretted that the heartless villain had gone to his Prime Minister, and ruled the country for ten years account before his hated adversary was appointed with general and cordial approbation. 216 A HISTORY OF THE NINETEENTII CENTURY. establishment of a militia. During the French war the militia had been a numerous and powerful force, but it had been allowed to fall into decay, and was indeed almost entirely disorganized. An outline of a plan for the establishment of a local militia was accordingly prepared and submitted to the Queen in the usual way. It was introduced into Parliament on the 16th of February, but met with very little favour. It was well known that the Duke of Wellington disapproved of the scheme, which, he warned the Government, was open to very grave objections, and recommended the restoration of the old regular militia. Lord Palmerston followed the same line, and pointed out that while the ordinary militia could be taken anywhere, the local militia could not be moved out of their counties, and could not therefore be made readily available in the case of an invasion. Moreover, in many counties there were no barracks where the local militia could be assembled and drilled. The cordial reception which the House gave to these and other serious objections to the Government scheme, satisfied Lord Palmerston that Parliament not only disapproved of the proposal to establish a local militia, but was by no means anxious to retain Lord John and his colleagues in office. When, therefore, a few nights afterwards, the Committee reported that leave should be given to bring in a Bill to amend the laws respecting the [1852. local militia,' he moved that the word 'local' should be omitted, and with the aid of the Peelites and Protectionists he carried his motion by a majority of eleven. The Ministers regarded this adverse vote as an indication that they had lost the confidence of the House, and next day they placed their resignations in the hands of the Queen. 'I have had my tit-for-tat with John Russell,' wrote Lord Palmerston to his brother on the 24th of February, and I turned him out on Friday last. I certainly, however, did not expect to do so, nor did I intend to do anything more than to persuade the House to reject his foolish plan and to adopt a more sensible one. I have no doubt that two things induced him to resign. First, the almost insulting manner towards him in which the House by its cheers went with me in the debate; and secondly, the fear of being defeated in the vote of censure about the Cape affairs (the Caffre War), which was to have been moved to-day.' Such was the inglorious termination of the first Russell Ministry, which for some time had existed on mere sufferance. It was indeed feeble from its birth onwards, its career was not distinguished by any important or useful measures, and it died unlamented. The reins of Government were intrusted to Lord Derby and a Cabinet of Protectionists, whose term of office, however, lasted only a few months. CHAPTER XI. Reactionary movements on the Continent-Arbitrary conduct of the Austrian Court-Opposition to German UnityUnsuccessful attempt of Prussia to establish an Imperial Federal Constitution-Interference of Austria in Hesse Cassel-Quarrel between Austria and Prussia-The Olmutz Conference-Shocking cruelties of the King of NaplesTheir exposure by Mr. Gladstone-Position of France-Its Republican Constitution-Conduct of Louis NapoleonHis attempts to gain over the Army-Composition of the National Assembly-Policy of the Majority of the Members -The President's extravagance-His demands for larger Allowances-Power of the Assembly over the ArmyOpposition to Universal Suffrage-Louis Napoleon's associates and tools-Preparations for the overthrow of the Constitution The Coup d'Etat-Seizure of the leading Generals and Deputies-Violent expulsion of the Assembly— Massacre of the Parisians-Arbitrary proceedings of De Morny at the Home Office-Imprisonment and Transportation of innocent persons to Cayenne-Election of Louis Napoleon to the Presidency by Universal Suffrage-He becomes Emperor of the French-General distrust of his Schemes-Death of the Duke of Wellington-His Character and Services to the Country. THE reactionary movement on the continent of centralization devised by Stadion and of Europe had now run its course. Revolu- Bach, and proclaimed in March, 1849, all tionary agitation had been everywhere sup- the provinces, without exception, were now pressed; but the sovereigns had, as usual, governed by uniform laws promulgated by proken the promises which they made to the Emperor, and were all alike placed their subjects in the time of danger and under the immediate jurisdiction of the difficulty, and had in consequence sown the Ministry at Vienna. Even this arbitrary seeds of bitter disappointment and burning and illegal destruction of the peculiar inanimosity throughout their dominions. The stitutions and privileges of the various people were quiet, but their tranquillity was provinces of the empire did not satisfy the not that of loyalty and contentment, but autocratic designs of the Austrian Camarof exhaustion and despair, that felt itself illa, and they next proceeded to abolish powerless before the overwhelming forces the very form of a representative constituwhich the Governments had at their com- tion. By letters, dated the 20th of August, mand. The Continental rulers showed that 1851, addressed to Prince Schwarzenberg, they had learned nothing from the era of as Minister President, and to Baron Kübeck, danger and humiliation through which they President of the Reichsrath, the Emperor had passed, and they used the power which declared that henceforth his Ministers | they had regained with so much difficulty should be responsible solely to the Crown, in the most arbitrary and oppressive man- as the centre of all authority; that for the ner. 'In Germany,' said Prince Albert, future the Reichsrath was to be considered, statesmanship is being again introduced not as the council of the empire, but as from the steppes of Russia, and the Emperors the council of the throne, and that measwill present it to the bureaucrats with orders ures of administration or legislation were and snuff-boxes.' consequently to be no longer presented by the Cabinet to the Reichsrath for its opinion, but always to the Emperor. By this decree the vaunted constitution of 1849 was completely set aside, and, as Prince Albert remarked, Absolutism was formally proclaimed, and the Ministers were set above all responsibility.' The youthful Emperor was thus made formally to set at nought The constitution of the Austrian empire had undergone a radical change since the revolutionary storm of 1848. Formerly the different provinces were governed by their own laws, though, with the exception of Hungary, they were dependent on the Viennese Cabinet in regard to their general administration. VOL. III. But under the system 28 his repeated and solemn assurances that | House of Representatives, and for the manAustria should be transformed into a con- ner in which their respective duties were stitutional monarchy; and his equally solemn assurances that the different nationalities of the empire should enjoy the same privileges, proved to amount to nothing more than that all should alike be subjected to the arbitrary regulations of the Viennese Cabinet and to martial law. Schwarzenberg and his colleagues, not contented with establishing absolute authority over the Austrian empire, were bent on the restoration of the former state of matters in Germany. They resolutely opposed all attempts to establish German unity, as well as any reform in the constitution of the minor German States. The King of Prussia, as we have seen, refused the Imperial crown tendered to him by the Federal Parliament at Frankfort, on the ground that the sovereign Princes of Germany were opposed to his acceptance of it; but now at this inopportune moment he was guilty of the almost incredible folly of attempting a united organization of a part of Germany, with the free consent of its sovereigns.' The failure of such a project, at a time when royal prerogative was again in the ascendant, and all apprehension of immediate danger had passed away, was inevitable. The Governments of Prussia, Saxony, and Hanover prepared a draft of an Imperial Federal Constitution, which they proposed for the acceptance of the other German States, having for its object, they said, the mutual protection of its members against external and internal foes. Those States which declined to enter into this Confederation were to retain unchanged the 'rights and duties created by the treaties of 1815.' The Imperial Government was to be vested in a President of the Empire and a Council of the Princes, and the King of Prussia was to be perpetual President. An Imperial Diet was to be instituted, consisting of two Houses-the Senate and the House of Representatives; and minute regulations were laid down for the appointment of the Senate and the election of the to be discharged. As might have been clearly foreseen, Austria declared at once unequivocally her dissent from any such scheme; and the Bavarian Government, after a little consideration, declined to join the Federal Constitution. Hanover and Saxony soon after withdrew their assent, which they had at first given to it, and the scheme ignominiously collapsed. The Austrian Government were not contented with this triumph over their Prussian rival. The next step for the Emperor to take in his character of President was to resuscitate the defunct Diet, and to summon the members of the old German Confederation to meet at Frankfort for the transaction of business. The usual recognition of foreign Powers was demanded, but was withheld for a time, even by Russia. But at this stage an event occurred which tended not a little to confirm the assumed authority of Austria, and to test the real strength of its opponents. The small State of Electoral Hesse had enjoyed since the year 1832 a moderately liberal representative constitution, which had worked well and had contented the great majority of the people. The Elector himself was a worthless creature, and his chief Minister, M. Hassenpflug, whose conduct had earned him the designation of Hass and Fluch (hatred and execration), was so detested that his banishment was thought necessary for his personal security. At this juncture he was suddenly recalled, and intrusted once more with the conduct of affairs. direct opposition to the desires both of the people and the soldiers, he annexed Hesse to the revived Confederation. The next step of this detested Minister was, without vouchsafing any explanation or laying down any budget, to demand a simple vote of a specified sum of money. It was refused, as had been anticipated and desired. On this ground alone, without any other colour of provocation, martial law was proclaimed and the Constitution suspended. The people of In |