46 REVIEW. Bushnell's Oration, pronounced before the Society of Phi Beta Kappa, on the Principles of National Greatness. New Haven Herrick & Noyes. 1837. PERHAPS the fancy, of all the powers of the mind, has been most influential in revealing new truths to the world, in the arts and sciences. In its quick, vivid conceptions, it frequently attains heights, from which whole realms are opened to the view, while reason has been left to toil sluggishly upward, through paths overrun with briars, and obscured by fogs. Experience clearly evinces, that the imagination has commonly struck upon those useful and lofty discoveries in philosophy-mental, moral, or political-the full relations and bearings of which, have remained for the investigation and sanction of subsequent ages. The celebrated Kepler, with all the enthusiasm of a glowing fancy, was ever laying down new hypotheses to be established, and new conclusions to be proved, by a laborious train of observation and inference-and thus, most of the great triumphs in astronomy, which have shed a peculiar lustre about his name, were the fond offspring of his waking dreams. The same, or similar has been the case with all the distinguished of natural philosophers, and the truth is scarcely less obvious when we turn to the moral and political. The splendid creations, the rich thoughts, and sublime truths, which glitter like priceless gems upon each page of Milton's productions, have never yet, and will perhaps never hereafter be fully appreciated, until the human mind shall have become vastly more refined and enlightened, than in its present condition. So far, in both of these branches, the creative genius has been left to delight itself with its own conceptions, unreviled and unpersecuted, except perhaps in the well-known case of the renowned Italian, Galileo. Men have been contented merely to denounce their theories as wild and extravagant, so long as they did not interfere with their private affections or interests. With all their ignorance, they have been forced to revere the philosopher, as possessed of higher qualities of mind, and as turning his attention to higher pursuits; in short, as smitten with a respectable madNot so with the politician. He has to deal directly with the dearest interests of men; his profession is linked with all the stormy elements of society; with the deepest and darkest passions of the human breast, and, of consequence, his actions are subject to the closest scrutiny, and his character exposed to the ness. open taunts of the bigoted, and the midnight dagger of malevolence. Yet his is the noblest pursuit of all, when untrameled by the fetters of self-interest, and daring the frowns of a nation, he presses calmly forward in the cause he deems is correct, utters thoughts and principles, dictated by a pure heart, and trusts his reputation, if sullied in the present, to the justice and equity of future generations. The province over which he wields the scep tre of his influence, is, beyond all comparison, full of subjects for the profoundest thought and the liveliest interest. The general principles which regulate human emotions, far more complicated, but almost as sure as those which obtain in the natural world, the thousand influences that ennoble or debase society, the guards to be taken against the effects of intoxicating prosperity, the new improvements and refinements in legislation which the character of the age will admit of―are all of them topics to exercise the judgment, and kindle the heart of the patriot statesman. Yet how few have there been to burst through the limits of present and partial interests, and to maintain a policy which, original with themselves, if they fail to support, will crush them in its fall! How few have there been, who have not shrunk from the epithet visionary! Human nature has, in most cases, been far too weak. Men have been too fond of themselves, to sacrifice their hopes in the support of a principle. Jefferson was doubtless an exception to this; but his theater was among a people who had recently procured their freedom; in the young days of the republic, when there were no hoary-headed institutions to obstruct his path. None of those hereditary maxims and prejudices, which are handed down from generation to generation among a people of ancient origin, had as yet been able to root themselves firmly, in the minds and affections of the liberal party in America. Yet, even he had his violent and bitter opponents while living, and after his ashes have long been resting in honored repose, we find that the old cry has again been started. But could that eminent statesman arise once more into being, how would his heart burn within him, to behold those darling principles for which he contended, spreading an influence over the land and the world, of which even he, enthusiast though he was, could scarcely have formed an adequate conception! "His administration," in the words of Mr. Clay, "will be looked back to as an oasis in a dreary waste," for in it gushed forth a thousand fountains of democratic influence, which have gradually washed away, or, uniting the streams into giant torrents, have torn, thundering down, the hallowed impositions of despotic power. How far his principles, fraught with the purest philanthropy, are yet to advance, it remains for the progress of time to disclose. To us their career would seem to be onward, and onward for Yet the profoundest admirers of Jefferson will not pretend ever. to assert, that his views were not frequently tinged with a visionary hue. It was a lovely hue, however, a rainbow-promise of future perfection, which had its origin in a firm and unshaken confidence in the truth and elevation of the sentiments he advocated a courageous belief in general principles. It may have been extravagance, but it is an extravagance we love to contemplate. His visions of human perfection, of the full capability of man to govern himself, though ages may never behold their reality, yet who will venture to say they cannot be? He may have been a political alchemist, but in his endeavors to bring into being the brilliant fictions of his own brain, he has discovered truths and established theories, as rich and creative as the mind which gave them birth. Such were some of the reflections which arose before us, in perusing the masterly production of the orator of the Phi Beta Kappa, for the year 1837, which we have read for the third and fourth times with a still increasing delight. Without pretending to assert, that Mr. Bushnell has proposed a system of policy which will meet with the world's approbation, all must confess that his oration is filled with original, noble, and to a great extent, just and rational thought-thought which, could it be infused into the breasts of our statesmen, would wonderfully expand and exalt their views, and thought, which the patriot, the philanthropist and the scholar, cannot but cherish and adopt. To enter into a full examination of his theory, would require far more space than can be allowed. Indeed, he professes himself to have touched but slightly upon its most striking features. We propose to follow him briefly upon these. "Wherein," he inquires, "consists the true wealth, or well-being of a state. It consists, I answer, in the total value of the persons of the people. National wealth is personal, not material. It includes the natural capacity, the industry, the skill, the science, the bravery, the loyalty, the moral and religious worth of the people. The wealth of a nation is in the breasts of its sons. This is the object which, accordingly as it is advanced, is sure to bring with it riches, justice, liberty, strength, stability, invincibility, and every other good; or which, being neglected, every sort of success and prosperity is but accidental and deceitful."p. 8. Noble thoughts these, and worthy of universal reception. With a just indignation, he cries out against that crazy desire for wealth, which forms the most prominent feature of our age and nation. And what must we think of a system of policy which inflames that desire? All human action would seem to tend to a definite object-the securing of happiness and every system of legislation should constantly have some end in view, and in the nature of that end, must consist its strength or its weakness, its wisdom or folly. What then is the ultimate design of laws which are enacted to encourage men in amassing money? They prevent injustice and fraud, it is true, throughout the community, they protect men in the full enjoyment of their rightful possessions; they maintain good order and peace in the transaction of business, but do they aim to advance society in any thing tending to its real and lasting prosperity? What actual benefit accrues to the nation, from the interchange of money from hand to hand, when its aggregate wealth is the same under whatever circumstances? Does it exalt the people in mind or morals? or does it cultivate any taste or affection which is directly conducive to human enjoyment? On the contrary, would it not seem to encourage a species of gambling, sufficiently agreeable and exciting in itself to engage the attention of a whole people, but which still may go on without a limit in prospect, while every other laudable pursuit may be kept at a stand? But suppose that, free from the calamities and expenses attendant upon war, by successful traffic with foreign nations, we accumulate vast hordes of treasure at home, will any desirable object have then been attained? Listen to our orator: "I am anxious to inquire, how wealth is to be created, and especially, in what form wealth is to be accumulated. It would almost seem that the fancy which floats so delightfully before the minds of men, in their pursuit of private gain, must throw the same charm over national wealth. The state is to become prodigiously rich, they seem to imagine, against her old age; and then she will be able, with stock laid in, to support her great family at their ease, on the mere interest of the money. But how is her great wealth to be laid up, or in what shape? Not in notes and bills, certainly, that are due from one to another within the nation; for it adds nothing to the wealth of a family, that one of the sons owes another. Not in specie, for gold and silver are good for nothing in themselves, but only as they will buy something else. And if they were confined within the nation, and not allowed to purchase articles from abroad, as the case supposes, they would only pass from hand to hand within the nation, and the prices of all articles would be raised, according to the plenty there is of gold and silver. Silver, perhaps, being as plenty as iron, a ton would be exchanged for a ton of iron, and the man who owns a hundred tons of it would have it piled up in the street, as rich as he now is with a few thousand dollars, and no more. But if not in notes and bills, not in specie, in what form is the national wealth to be laid up? In a cultivated territory, I reply, in dwellings, roads, bridges, manufactories, ships, temples, libraries, fortifications, monuments:-things which add to the beauty, comfort, strength, or productiveness of the nation. But what are all these things, but the products and representatives of quality and force in the people? And what shall ever maintain them in good keeping and repair, but such quality and force?"-p. 10. And again "To seek further illustration of a position so nearly self-evident as the one I advance, would only reflect suspicion upon it. The personal value of a people is the only safe measure of their honor and felicity. Economy holds the same place in their polity, which it holds in the life of a wise and great man--a subordinate place, and when subordinate, honorable. But their highest treasures as a state, they behold in capable and manly bodies, just principles, high sentiments, intelligence, and genius. To cherish these in a people-to provide a noble succession of poets, philosophers, lawgivers, and commanders, who shall be the directing head, and the movers of action; to compact all into one energetic and stately body, inspirited by public love-this is the noble study of true philosophic statesmanship. Alas! sir, exclaimed Milton, suddenly grasping this whole subject, as with divine force, a commonwealth ought to be but one huge Christian personage, one mighty growth and stature of an honest man, as big and compact in virtue as in body; for look, what the grounds and causes are of single happiness to one man, the same ye shall find them to a whole state. Here, in a single sentence, he describes the true idea of a state, and of all just administration."-p. 14. The reader will, doubtless, before this, have perceived, that our author is, in the broadest sense of the term, a theorist; considering the nature of our people, and the systems of economy now in vogue, he may be regarded as an enthusiast. A great revolution in popular sentiment must have occurred, before his doctrines can meet with many or warm supporters. In a small republic, like Athens or Sparta, or the primitive settlements in North America, such views as his might have become more general and popular; but in so broad and powerful an empire as ours, whose every energy seems exerted in the amassing of money, whose statesmen legislate, whose orators speak, and whose citizens labor, for this one absorbing object, we say, that a great revolution must be brought about in the aims, affections and ideas of the nation at large, before such a theory can find advocates. While he who can take expanded views of the fiscal operations of government, and can search out details, and elucidate his opinions by sound argument, is deemed the greatest legislator in our senate halls,that man who would propose a system of policy to train up the people in virtue and morality, to diffuse intelligence through every, even the lowest, walk in society, to cherish literature and literary men, to offer prizes for the encouragement of youthful genius, to erect monuments and public works throughout the country, to improve the national stock-in a word, to raise up a people vigorous in body and sound in mind, filled with every ennobling emotion, patriotism, bravery, love of order, and sobriety, would be regarded as but a foolish adviser, and "the poor reformer," in the words of Burke, "would be hissed off the stage both by friends and foes." The revolution of which we spoke, cannot be the work of one or many men, or of one or many years; it must be the result of the continuous progress of the people in knowledge and refinement. Yet, will not that progress be obstructed by the deadening desire for lucre which has fastened upon the heart, and is shooting its venom to the farthest extremities of the social system? Will not every generous sentiment throughout the nation become parched and withered by its sickly influence? That the advancement of society will be impeded, and greatly impeded, by it, we are very ready to admit; still we cannot but believe, that the time will come, when more light shall be diffused throughout the community in relation to its real interests, and its greatest sources of happiness. Our history has differed from the history of the republics which have preceded us, in this one great respect, that they, during their infancy, were a warlike; we, a mercantile people. They expended their time and toil in endeavoring to extend their conquests far and wide, and pursued their object with an enthusiasm which seemed too ardent ever to die away; we, |