expect to prevail in any other along with a House of Repre way!* prosentatives? These bodies fre

What is compulsion, in this plication of the word? Why, restraining men from doing certain things, or causing them to do certain other things, against what

quently differ from 70

Bills; are a constant check upon
each other; act compulsively upon
each other; and yet they not only
co-exist, but proceed in the dis-
patch of business with the great.in

may naturally enough be their in-est regularity and dignity, and
clination. And, is not this ne-
cessary in all ranks and states of
life? Are we not all under the
constant compulsions of the law?
Is not the King himself under
compulson as to his marrying, and
as to many other things, with re-
gard to which he naturally enough
might wish to be free? What
the devil, then, is this House of

L

they manage the affairs of a country equalled by none in point of happiness and obedience to the laws. Will you say, that the Senate is nothing, because the Lower House is chosen more fre quently, and directly by the peo ple at large? Why not call this Lower House the " organ of the nation;" why not call it a "simple instrument;" why not say," that the nation, having that, cam This is have nothing more? Lords, that it must experience ment. Here are a President, a = really a "tripartite " Governcompulsion of no sort whatever? Senate, and a House of RepreWhat the devil is it, that we sentatives, all deriving their authority from different descriptions should "not dare say," that we of suffrage; checking and acting would wish to see an efficient re-compulsively towards each other straint, or check, upon its actions, occasionally; and yet all existwhich actions affect our very if the Senate, who really repreing in the greatest harmony. But, lives? sent the Aristocracy of America, Yours appears to be a pretty put, of their own will, a majority idea of a 66 tripartite "Govern-into the Lower House, would it ment. There is one body (out of be then a "tripartite ” Governo the three), which, according to ment? No: it would be an Oli you, must have no check upon it garchy; an "Organ," a "simple at all; or must be destroyed. If instrument:" just that sort of the Commons have a House of thing that you appear to be so their own, the Lords, according much afraid of! In England to you must be nothing. The the Chief Magistrate and the thing must be one, or nothing. Upper House are hereditary inThis is your doctrine. Why, then stead of being elected by the Arisare we put to the expense of tocracy. That would be all the what is called a House of Com-difference in the two cases if ours mons? How is it, that the Senate, Commons, or People, had the in the American Congress, exists choosing of the House that is

called theirs. But you can see nay, is it not your boast, that the nothing but open war between the object of the war, and the sole Houses, if one of them were object, at the outset, was to put chosen by the people! If the down French principles in EngCommons' House WERE the land? Is not this as well known, Commons' House, you think that as it is that you were Ambassador the tripartite Government "in Portugal with a salary of fourmust cease! Unless the Lords teen thousand a-year out of our choose the Members of the other taxes? And who, then, but you House, you can see no hope of would have had the brass to call preserving the Lords! In short, that war a war of the people? unless two of the parts be one, The next portion of your speech. you can see no hope of preserv-relates to the laudable efforts now ing a Three-part-Government!

Why, you silly as well as im-making by Mr. FAWKES in York pudent mountebank, had you the

an

vanity to think, that no one would "This question of Reform is "dare" to answer you.? Did pressed more immediately upon you think, that your vapourings my attention, from the circumstance of a Gentleman in a neighon the Liverpool stage too were protected by Six-Acts? Did you fortune, of character, and of great bouring County-a Gentleman of forget, that it was not yet banish-talents, of whom I wish to speak ment to laugh at what passed in with great respect, having thought that scene of unparalleled mean- proper recently to rake up the dying. ness, froth and impudence? embers of this unhappy question Having given you the " on which occasion he did me the sier," you were so much in need honour to refer to some opinions of, I might, but I will not, pass Mr. Fawkes, the gentleman to delivered by me in another place. over a falsehood, introduced into whom I allude, and whose name I the above passage parenthetically. mention with honour, thought proI allude to your assertion, that the per to express his surprise that I, people were for the old American the representative of the opulent War and for that against France. and commercial town of Liverpool, What ground have you for this should express any anxiety about assertion? The proof of the con- such close boroughs as Old Sarum. trary is found in the innumerable Perhaps I might in return express petitions against the American my surprise that Mr. Fawkes, who si commenced his exertions for re War; and, as to the war against form by clamouring about the inathe people of France, Oh! im- dequate representation of his own pudent mountebank! Is not the county of Yorkshire, should, now lie given to you by the proclama- that the representation of that tions, the acts, the unparalleled county had been doubled, discover severities, to keep the people from that a reform was more than ever neactually rising in open rebellion cessary to the welfare of the counagainst the undertaking and the try (cheers). Had I a grievance to complain of, it would be that carrying on of that war! Was which has for such a length of not the Habeas Corpus Act sus-time been dinned in my ears, I pended for seven years during mean the complaints of the county that war! But, is it not notorious, of Yorkshire, who, like Niobe and

shire, or to any other part of the country? If you must jest, hatch the subject yourself, and do not father it on others. But, what a vapid coxcomb, to suppose, that we should look upon you as really chosen by Liverpool! “No inte

her numerous offspring, wept her unhappy fate, and now that she had been gifted with two more helpmates, seeing her unhappy son coming forward to lament the violation of public liberty and the destitution of England (cheers). Surprise for surprise. But I shall turn the Gentleman's surprise to convic-rest," have you, in supporting tion. It is just because I am the re- Old Sarum! Just as if we did presentative of the second town in not know, that, if it were not for the kingdom, that I advocate the the power of the rotten Boroughs, cases of smaller boroughs. I have your face could never have been no hesitation in declaring, that shown in Liverpool! Just as if were I the representative of Old we did not know, that it was the Sarum, I should have held my tongue; but it is because I could expenditure caused by the rotten not be suspected of having a shu- Boroughs, that gave you your dow of interest in the question, that I seat. And, as to your being felt it my duty to say that which, anxious to remove blots, we know if said by others, might be imputed how sincere you must be, when to questionable motives. I did so, be- we recollect, that, when evidence cause I was anxious to expose the of Castlereagh's actually selling fallacy of those doctrines, which, while they pretended to remove the a seat was offered to be produced blots and scandals of the constitu- at the bar of the House, you tion, contained principles which voted against hearing that evi would go to change the whole na-dence, on the ground that a ture of the institution itself. Let stand ought to be made against any reformer show me that he is democratical encroachment.? only anxious to remove those blots produce proof of seat-selling you which exist, and I am with him; but called "democratical encroachthe doctrine of reform goes further -it goes not to alter the mode, tendered evidence; you called ment." You would not hear the but the thing it would have the effect of altering those institutions those who wished for inquiry which combined all the industry, all a low degraded crew," and now the property, and which opened a you wish us to believe, that you door to all the talent of the coun- are 66 anxious to remove blots!" try (cheers.) Let us beware, Gen-Yes, after the manner of "GramTMTM tlemen, of allowing the introduc-pound;" that is to say, a mode tion of a system which would act by of Reform, which would wheedle power and not by reason which would govern by authority and not the nation along in its present by that salutary conflict of opinions state for ever; a mode which and of interests which at present would, as you say, not alter the exists a system which to act at all thing; a mode, which, under the must act alone. It is because I feel name of Reform, would this that I find it necessary to op- the corruption unimpaired. The preserve pose Reform.”; ! be!! close of the passage last quoted "Niobe," indeed! you poor treats us to a repetition of your jester! Where has Mr. FAWKES assertion about the simple in said, that Reform is now 66. strument;" but, I have answered “ necessary than ever" to York-that before. on thi

74

more

To

giant's strength; which approxi

mates distant countries and creates near neighbourships; which gives to the fickleness of the winds, and

:

This is your favourite hit, and that new and mighty power (new you return to it again when you at least in its application) which come to speak of the influence of walks upon the waters with a the Crown; but now you come to the new doctrine about the power of the press, which is worthy of particular notice, because it has lately been held forth, not only as something sufficient to weigh against all the influence of rotten Boroughs, but as something that renders it necessary to pass new laws, laying the most odious re{straints upon the people.

the faithlessness of the waves, all the certainty and security ofa journey by land [cheers]? Would you not set him down as an ignorant, unobservant, and idle spec

tator? a man whose mind was so
the omission to notice the power
cramped as not to perceive that

of steam had routed all his calcu-
lations, and evinced his ignorance
of that of which he professed to
treat? So would it be of an his-
torian who, in attempting to de-
scribe the British Constitution,
were to say that the Crown bad a
veto which it seldom exercised;
that the House of Commons had
the power of withholding supplies
which it never enforced, but who
omitted to notice that mighty power
of public opinion which was guided and
directed by the public press. Such an
historian would only prove his own
confined knowledge, and his utter
incompetency for the task he had
undertaken.
I say, Gentlemen,

Gentlemen, it has been said that the influence of the Crown operates so powerfully in the House of Commons that it perverts all its decisions. My first answer to that proposition is that which I have already given. How rarely do we find the House of Lords differing from the House of Commons, and what is the cause of this? Is it that the influence of the Crown operates on the House of Lords also? Take either alternative. If it is so, then I ask will you reform the House of Lords also? And what is the nature of the Reform which you propose? If it is not so, will you derange the whole machinery of the Constitu- that in all countries, in order to tion by placing the whole power at keep that standing which it is fit the disposal of a single body? But should stand, care must be taken nothing can be more false than to not to admit any partial breach on suppose that the influence of the the foolish faith that nothing which Crown has increased comparative-has not been calculated upon will ly with the growth and strength of enter. Another test which I apply public opinion. That it has in- to all speculative schemes of state creased numerically in the House policy, is, to inquire how they will of Lords or House of Commons I operate for the benefit of the comdeny. Any man who has watched munity in which we live? In prithe progress of the Constitution vate life I always look with jeamust have observed in the moral lousy and caution to that diffused as in the physical world, great generosity which, neglecting its powers at work, which require the domestic circle, pretends to act steady hand of authority to direct for the general benefit of mankind. and control them. What, Gentle-In looking around me I find Great men, would you say to that philo-Britain a monarchy, founded on sopher who, in sitting down to establishments which bind and write on the theory of winds and tides, and to give a history of navigation, should omit to describe

control it; but still essentially a monarchy, which I, as a loyal subject, am bound to support. I do

to show why England itself is an

not think it fit to enter the lists from your stage into Joe Miller in order to show why it is, or without interruption. Leter the why it should be a monarchy. I happy agreement between a the do not feel bound to show, a priori, Lords and their relations and why the Government of England is friends pass along with his ina monarchy, any more than I am and Majesty; and let your being bounded by the ancient law," while you were helping to pass Six-Acts, go in company with. them. But, as to the press, this famous thing that is to compensate us for the loss of suffrage and for all other losses and wants connected with our political rights, I "The mighty must say a word.

island. Sufficient for me that I find it so that it has from generation to generation been commented upon, but not altered; that I now find it existing, and that I owe allegiance to the Constitution under which I was born [cheers]. I know how stale this doctrine will appear to those who wish to inquire, not what ought to be done under existing circum-power of public opinion, guided stances, but what they would do and directed by the public press.' were every thing to begin again. This is, it seems, our protection I wish not to become a philoso- against all that the King and the pher from the beginning of the Parliament can do! You seem to world by being a bad subject in think, that we do not happen to the age in which I live [cheers]. know, that about seventeen twenI say that a popular assembly, ac-tieths of this press is in the actual cording to the reforming principle, would laugh at Monarchical Go- pay, or under the influence, of vernment, and would be essentially those who possess the Boroughs; a republic. I shall not now inquire that the press is their abject slave; whether a republican form of go- that it is a mere tool in their vernment would be better than the hands; that you yourself had the present. I feel myself bound by principal management of the AntiJacobin, which was set up with Improve the Constitution as much public money; that the SUN and TRUE BRITON were set up in the as you can, but when an attempt is made to renew it, I feel myself same manner, and that the latter bounded by the law, and I agree with paper was, in 1800, offered to me the law in preference to the theory by an under Secretary of State. [cheers]. I remember a story told You seem to think, that the public of a certain King of Bohemia, who do not happen to know any thing was most anxious to become a about Gifford, Southey, Stoddart, great naval power, but unfortu- Walter, Stewart, Heriot, the nately for his ambition, a great Quarterly Review, the Gentleobstacle presented itself, which was, that he had not a seaport in his man's Magazine, the Tract Sodominions cheers and laughter]. cieties, the "Christian KnowI feel myself in the same situation ledge" Societies, and all the with his Majesty of Bohemia: swarm of writing reptiles and of when a republican assembly is spoken publications in the service of the of, I find I am not free to choose, for I possessors of Boroughs. have a monarchy and an aristocracy in my eye (cheers).

the laws-de

"Spartam nactus es hanc exorna.”

But, if the "public press" be our all, what are we to think of

Let the King of Bohemia pass the laws passed to crush it? And,