the Liverpool operator; whose every word still continues to be offensive to every one that does suffer, that has suffered, or that is likely to suffer distress of any kind or in any degree?

luntarily to incur the affliction of towards a close. When you bade. the servile sots at Liverpool farewell, with good reason did you say that it was hard; for it was a farewell not only to their adulation, but to every thing of which you have been in the pursuit ever since your name was known to the public.

How are the Ministers to suppose that they are to conciliate the people by taking in amongst thein From the whole of your speech the man that comes up reeking hot as far as it relates to yourself and from boasting that he was one of your prospects, one would imagine, those that "6 triumphed" over the that there was some overruling the people in 1817 and 1819: that necessity; some positive law, at comes reeking hot from a club of least; some penal statute that wretches that had the audacity to compelled you, either to go to toast the Manchester magistrates? India or to fill some office of emoIf we look at your present doc-lument at home. One would trine of patience to the half-ruined think there was something like landlords and the despairing farm-fatality in your destiny; a sort ers; if we reflect on your defence of political predestination. I am of the enormous retired allow-aware of the existence of no ances, and your calling them vest- such thing. If there be obvious ed interests; or, if we remember reasons for your wishing to stay your vapouring defence of Peel's at home; we will say nothing Bill, in favour of which you called about your one hundred and sixty for an unanimous vote, and which green-room reasons: but if there you said settled the question for be obvious reasons for your wishever whether, in short, we looking to stay at home, why do you at the present or the past, or cal-not stay at home? Aye, but culate upon the future, where is then comes the other question, the man, who, having his property will they give you a place at dependent on the acts of the Go-home? Well, suppose they do vernment, would not be plunged not; cannot you stay at home into despair upon seeing you form- without a place, as I do? I stay ing part of the Ministry? How- at home without having any place. ever, though it would be down- To be sure, you and your colright madness in the ministers, I leagues did send me abroad, and am not sure it would not be in the the Magistrates in Lancashire put end, beneficial to the nation that a man in prison for saying that you should once more act your I was come back in good health. part at Whitehall. For my own But here I am. I am a public part, in losing you, I shall lose man as much as you, or else the one of my best subjects. You devil is in it; and yet I stay here have been, for a great many years, without any place, and live very not a standing dish, but a most de- happily in England. Why canlightful occasional repast. Here not you do the same? As to want or there, no matter where, your of employment, where is there a career, such as it has been, draws prettier spinner of paragraphs and

epigrams in this country or in any | corporeal being as ever. Why

other? Why, your King of
Bohemia and your Red Lion
would be worth, each of them,
half -a-crown and more too,
as far as I know, at the offices
of any of the morning papers. I
am a wretched hand at para-paper writer in England.
graphs and puns and epigrams
compared to you, and yet, you see,
I do very well. They knock me
down; I get up again: they tread
me under foot, drag me in the
kennel, and out I come again as
fresh as a rose. I have been de-
stroyed fifty times, at the least;
and
yet, you see, I am as much a

cannot you do the same? Why
run whining and crying after
place; when experience has
taught you what you can do in
our way? You were, beyond all
comparison, the most lively news-

In

short, stay with us!- Bid us good night, if you like, but do not repeat that "cruel, cruel word, farewell."

I am,

Mr. Merryman,

Your most obedient servant,
WM. COBBETT.

VOL. 43-No. II.] LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPT. 14, 1822. [Price 6d. Published every Saturday Morning, at Six o'clock.

that dish of detestable politics

from the pen of a Bishop; and, after something more recent, I can see no special privilege that Bishops have, when they become authors, and particularly when they meddle with politics, as you do in the paper on which I am about to remark. We know, that it is a rule of law, that the King can do no wrong; and we have heard a hypocritical and base sycophant extend this maxim, which only means that the King is not personally responsible for the wrong that may be done in his name; we have heard a detest

THE above-mentioned paper, called a Charge, contains, in my opinion, matter that ought to be commented on and exposed; and, as it is probable, that no other person will do this, I think proper to do it. If, in doing it, I treatable old hypocrite extend this you with very little ceremony, pray ascribe it to the right cause; namely, that I think very little

ceremony is due to you. After Father in God Prettyman's His

maxim even to the private actions of the King, and shamelessly assert, that he could not do any thing vicious or foolish. This despicable parasite might, per

tory of the Life of Pitt; after haps, be ready to tell us, that

X

Printed and published by C. CLEment, No. 183, Fleet-street.

Bishops, especially as they "re-argue the question as if I deemed ceive the Holy Ghost" at their this revenue to be a thing wholly consecration, cannot possibly out of your mind!

commit either wickedness or folly; but, while we have recently had a most satisfactory proof that they can commit the former, I shall, I think, before I have finished this Letter, pretty satisfactorily show, that it is within the compass of 'possibility that they may commit

the latter.

That which I have before me,

from the newspapers as above, mentioned, is only a part of the Charge, which is said to have

been delivered to your Clergy in July last; but, it appears to be

It is very clear to every man of any extent of understanding as to public matters, in this country, that this revenue is not likely to remain long what it now is. To touch the Debt, to lay even the little finger on it; to touch the soundest and most unbroken skin of Waterloo; to take from any branch whatever, is impossible, without touching, and pretty sharply touching, this revenue. Priests, never the last to perceive danger, when it menaces their own possessions, have hardly fail

that part, in which alone the pub-ed to see this as clearly, as it is lic have any interest. It gives us your view of the means to be made use of by the Clergy, or Parsons (for that is the proper word), to maintain an influence

seen by other people. At such a time, therefore, what they say upon the means of maintaining their influence is important to the public at large; and especially if they put forth political doctrines

You say not a word about their such as those which we find in keeping possession of the im-the Charge of London's Right mense revenue they now enjoy; Reverend Father in God.

though, I do assure you, that I

Before I proceed further, I

am not going to be fool enough to shall, according to my invariable,

and, I trust, honourable, custom,

insert, at full length, the part of

your Charge, on which I am going to remark. The reader will

hen have bo

him.

1

both sides fairly before

3

pastoral functions, but by the effect of their writings, and the estimation which they bear in the community. The immediate danger is now past: but when we direct our attention to the systematic culture of intellect introduced in the course of a few years among all classes, we cannot but feel an anxiety lest the balance of society should suffer disturbance from this sudden increase of its momentum. In proportion as "We live at one of those re these additional energies imparted markable periods, which constitute to the mass of the people are eras in the history of the world. under the direction of good prinFor a series of years preceding the ciples, they will give stability to French Revolution, the diffusion of the Government, advance the cause knowledge and cultivation of in- of religion and morals, and contellect in France, and the neigh-tribute to the general advantage. Bouring countries, exceeded in But there is no necessary consuch a proportion the countervailing nexion between knowledge and powers of religion and morality, that goodness, between the possession all competent judges, acquainted of intellectual power, and a diswith the state of society, agreed in position to apply it to its proper opinion that some mighty convulsion ends. Its legitimate use may exalt was at hand. Of the disasters which us to heights of civilization and followed that dreadful event, and happiness, as much above our prethe shock which it gave to the civil sent condition, as that condition and religious institutions of the excels the state of society at the continent, it is altogether super-commencement the fifteenth fluous to speak. But whilst the century; its abuse may be fatal to world was involved in confusion our existing establishments, may dearound us, this country, by the molish the bulwarks of strength blessing of PROVIDENCE, was not and security, erected by the wisonly preserved from destruction, but dom of our ancestors, and conrose to an eminence of glory and solidated during a succession of power, which it had never attained in ages, by their continued labours. former times. In reasoning on the The enemies of religion and order are causes of this difference in our so well aware of these consefavour, we are justified, I trust, in quences, that, while they profess ascribing our safety to the quantity an earnest desire to enlighten the of virtue and good sense produced people, they encourage that mode in the country by the free consti- of instruction alome, which instils no tution of our Government, the equal fixed principles of religion, no preadministration of our laws, the prin- ference to any form of worship. It ciples which regulate our semi-therefore must be our object, on naries for the education of youth, and, the other hand, to maintain the above all, to the prevalence of a proportion which should always sound, a pure, a reasonable Reli-exist between the active powers of gion, dispensed and administered by a body of Clergy, who, from their external condition, and still more from their learning and piety, have an influence on the minds of the people, not only through the medium of their

the public mind, and the control and direction of their exercise by the operation of moral causes, And this we must do, not by discouraging the acquisition of knowledge or the cultivation of under