for upon both the duties levied by the Spanish Government are so high as to be practically prohibitory. That it is the bounden duty of the English Government to take every precaution for which it can be reasonably held responsible against the surreptitious export of tobacco, &c., from an English fortress, may be readily admitted. But even then it has to be shown that the proposed ordinance satisfies the conditions of the case. Its clauses will certainly prove effectual in preventing Gibraltar being for the future a centre of the smuggling trade. But smuggling into Spain will not be at an end; it is only the basis of operations which will be changed. The causes of the illicit trade in tobacco between English and Spanish territory may be described. as the inferior quality of tobacco imported by the Spanish Government, the duty imposed on all privatelyimported tobacco, which is so high as practically to create a government monopoly, and the corruption prevailing among the Spanish revenue officials. Twenty five years ago there were precisely the same inducements to smuggling as at present. Marshal Narvaez took the question up, and during his administration in 1851 and 1852, so completely did the Spanish custom-house officers do their work that the contraband trade was at a stand-still. It is thus clear that if the new ordinance becomes law, England, the champion and representative of Free Trade, will have admitted the responsibility which devolves on her as mistress of Gibraltar of assisting an administration so corrupt and incapable as that of Spain in perpetuating a system of the most rigid protection. The collateral results of the policy will be fatal to much of the legitimate trade of Gibraltar, and largely destructive of the vested commercial interests of the place.

But it may be asked, what is the alternative? If it be granted, as it cannot indeed but be granted, that there are certain reasonable responsibilities which Great Britain should fulfil, and

that all which the Colonial Office can do to terminate the innumerable petty disputes between the commanders of the Spanish Guarda-Cortas, and the English officials, shall be done; what other legislation than the ordinance will meet the necessities of the case? Here we may turn with advantage to the suggestions of the Gibraltar merchants themselves. If Hei Majesty's Government consider it advisable to adopt precautions for the purpose of avoiding any suspicion of complicity with, or connivance at, the proceedings of smugglers with Spain, the Gibraltar executive would appear to have the remedy in its own hands. There is only one point in Gibraltar at which merchandise can be landed or shipped-a small wharf near the northern extremity of the Rock, whence the only entrance to the town is through the port known as water-port, which is closed at first evening gun-fire. The three other points at which the rock is accessible, are the Ragged Staff, used as a landing place for officers of the army or navy, and civilians who have permits from the governor; the New Mole, where government stores are housed; and, on the east side of the Rock, Catalan Bay, where there is a fishing village and military guard, but where no merchandise of any kind is landed or shipped. It should further be stated that on the north front there are numerous ship-building yards and sheds, a steam factory, stores for cattle, and forage for the supply of the garrison; that in Gibraltar Bay are hulks and storeships, held by traders under licenses granted by the governor. All these of course furnish a considerable amount of cover for contraband articles. Now, as the buildings and gardens on the north front of the Rock are held by special permission from the War Office, it would surely be possible to prohibit the deposit of tobacco in any of thesethe penalty for breach of such an order being the withdrawal of the permission. Nor could there be any

difficulty about inserting a clause in every hulk or store-ship license, prohibiting their use as receptacles of tobacco.

There are also certain provisions which, if properly enforced, could scarcely fail to be effective. The port regulations of Gibraltar forbid any boat or small craft moving about the bay after sunset without special permission. This order has become a dead letter, and the consequence is, that, as the Gibraltar memorialists point out, "Spanish boats, including craft engaged in smuggling enterprises, and Spanish revenue cruisers, have for many years been in the habit of traversing British waters unchecked in any direction, and at any hour of the night." If the existing water police of Gibraltar is not sufficient for the purpose of checking this habitual violation of a local law, it should be increased at the expense of the colony. The space to be patrolled is very limited, and as has been already said, there is only one small wharf from which boats can leave the town. It would be possible to supplement these provisions by a new enactment of a very obvious character. If it is thought that when all which has been now suggested was done, there was any danger of ships leaving Gibraltar ostensibly on legal voyages, smuggling tobacco into Spain, it would perfectly practicable to compel them to take bills of health, these bills being delivered only on the production of a documentary assurance from the consul who represents their nationality, that their papers are in order.

be

That the "habitual depredators on the Spanish revenue are not British subjects, but Spaniards, is admitted by Lord Carnarvon, who further declares that one nation cannot be expected to "assist another in the enforcement of its fiscal laws." Unless, therefore, it is demonstrable that the plan now suggested-that of putting the legal machinery which is already available into operation, and at the same time, if necessary, supplementing

it in one or two places-would be inadequate for the discharge of such moral duties as we owe to Spain in consequence of our possession of Gibraltar, it is difficult to see what prima facie justification for the new ordinance can be urged. The policy which has been recommended above would amount to loyal co-operation on the part of the English with the Spanish authorities-surely the utmost that in this matter can be morally claimed or expected. The policy initiated by the ordinance will involve a grave injury to the commercial rights and oppor tunities of British subjects residing at Gibraltar-if not at the dictation of Spain, yet in deference to Spanish feeling, and in consequence of the shortcomings of the Spanish government. The spirit animating so material a concession is closely akin, however different its manifestation, to that which prompted the negotiations for the restitution of the Rock to Spain a hundred years ago. What it is now in reality proposed to do is to establish at Gibraltar a custom-house system, which will not only bring in no revenue to the colony, since no duties are to be levied, but which will involve

considerable expense. The chief revenue of Gibraltar consists at present of port charges, and is assessed at about 120,000l. a year. These charges will at once be reduced if effect is given to the ordinance. Ships and customers of all kinds will be warned off Gibraltar, trade will dwindle, and property which, if capitalised, would amount to two millions sterling, will be depreciated according to the estimate of the Gibraltar Exchange Committee by one-third. The Times suggests that the ordinance may at least have the effect of securing to England the benefits of the "most favoured nation" clause-to which Germany has just been admitted, and under which England is, by the Treaty of Utrecht, entitled to come-in the matter of imposts on goods of British manufacture. But, as the Pall Mall Gazette (August 14th) remarks—“If

England is under the moral obligation contended for by the Colonial Office, we have no right to make our fulfilment of it a matter of barter with the Spanish government; and if the Spanish government are not bound to give us all the advantages of the most favoured nation, it is scarcely dignified to go to them in a bargain-making spirit, and offer, in consideration of certain concessionary laws, what we have declared to be our duty."

It appears, then, on a review of the whole evidence, that, whether it is or is not in the nature of things desirable for Gibraltar to possess only a military status, the place actually has a civil and commercial existence; that this commercial existence is recognised by the mere fact of the Rock coming within the jurisdiction of the Colonial Office; that the ordinance which is now hanging over Gibraltar commerce would inflict a definite injury on those "British interests" of which we have recently heard so much; and that, while admitting a moral claim-outside the ordinary claims of international law-on the part of the Spanish government, the ordinance would by no means improve the feelings which exist between the British community on the Rock and the Spanish population in the neighbourhood. Further, the precedent which it would establish might be dangerous to English commerce in other parts of the world; for instance, at Hong Kong, which, like Gibraltar, is a free port. If it has been, as seems to be the case, decided that Gibraltar shall preserve its colonial attributes-in other words, its commercial opportunities-the one question to be solved is, how, with the least prejudice to them, we can discover a satisfactory modus vivendi with Spain? The alternative plan to the government proposals, which has been sketched here, at least deserves examination.

The custom house officers, on whose report the ordinance is based, admit that they had much trouble in

arriving at an accurate knowledge of the facts of the case. It may be doubted whether most of the difficulties which have been experienced in the government of this dependency, whose character is so strangely mixed, are not the result of misconception and ignorance. To promote a better understanding between the civil inhabitants of Gibraltar and the home government, the former petitioned, for a Consultative Council, without legislative or administrative attributes, in the days of Sir Robert Gardiner. The idea is one for which the advocacy of it by Sir G. C. Lewis, in his treatise On the Government of Dependencies, should secure some attention. Amongst the advantages of such a scheme is men, tioned the fact that "it would provide an authentic organ through which the local government and the home authorities could easily learn the opinion of the intelligent and proprietary classes of the dependency." The Colonial Office does not appear to be opposed to the formation of such a body in the case of Gibraltar. But there is the arbitrary veto of Mr. Jorkins to be considered in the shape of the alleged resistance of the War Office. A Consultative Council would-such is said to be the opinion of Pall Mall— soon acquire a legislative power, and form a co-ordinate authority with the military governor. As Sir G. C. Lewis remarks, it could only do this "by the sufferance of the governor and the home authorities." Properly regulated it would be an assistance, and not an obstacle, to the authority of the governor, would provide him with information on points on which he is now ignorant, but for which he is responsible, and would do much to complete the fusion between the civil and military elements of the population. That the impending ordinance is an experiment cannot be denied; that it is a necessary experiment has yet to

be shown.

T. H. S. ESCOTT.

THE University of Upsala, Sweden, has within the last few days celebrated its fourth centennial anniversary, having been inaugurated on the 21st of September, 1477. Among Scandinavian universities the first in age, it ranks first also as to number of teachers and students. In both respects it compares favourably with its twenty sister institutions in the German empire, inasmuch as out of them only those of Berlin and Leipsic possess greater forces of instructors and learners, and those of Freiburg, Greifswald, Heidelberg, Leipsic, Rostock, and Wurzburg priority of foundation, while the university of Tübingen is a twin of that of Upsala.

Even were the universities of Austria, Russia, and Switzerland added to those of the German empire proper, Upsala would be outstripped by Prague and Vienna only in professoriate and scholars, and by them and Basel in age. But whatever inferiority academic education in Sweden exhibits in comparison with the most cultivated State of Europe will be compensated for when we consider the proportion of the whole nation which pursues university studies; for from this point of view Sweden is not only equal to Germany, but even superior, the number of its academical teachers being relatively somewhat greater than those in Germany, while that of students is as 1 in 2,175 instead of 1 in 2,580. So far the position of Upsala rests on obvious historical and statistical facts. But as an institution of learning it cannot be judged by such material standards. No doubt, more scientists than Linné and Berzelius have lived within its precincts between Messenius and Rudbeck in the time of Gustavus Adolphus, and Upstrõm, Angstrom, and Theorell, who but recently have gone to rest. But even were such

enumeration a fair proof of its comparative merits, it would little befit one of its own alumni, whose duty is rather to give a picture of the present status of his alma mater, leaving to others to pronounce upon it an impartial judgment. Anyhow, the writer ventures to assert that Upsala has contributed a fair share to scientific researches, and much more than a fair share to popular education. It is a noteworthy fact, that as early as the reign of Charles XI.- -a contemporary of the English revolution-the most part of Swedish men and women could read print; and statistics show that at the present time even of criminals of all ages only three per cent—probably mostly minors are totally without school training. In addition, a fact worth mentioning is that Sweden does not possess any "governing class," but that the people itself, by elected assemblies or chosen deputies, manages its own affairs within the local communities as well as the State at large. The Swedish Diet, though elected mainly from the rural population, challenges other legislatures as regards its discreet and patriotic management of all that relates to the promotion or diffusion of science and culture. part that Upsala University has undeniably played in educating the whole nation may, assuredly, outweigh some dozens of scholars of world-wide celebrity.

The

Before entering on his description-in which the writer has to beg the indulgence granted to one who is using a foreign tongue-it will not be unbecoming for an English reader to be told that the essential features of this university are, first, that it is an institution for knowledge, and, secondly, that it is national. It searches after truth in all its forms, regardless of utilitarian application;

On

and leaving the technical and practical to other institutions, contents itself with the theoretical. Even in the professions themselves practice only so far falls within the university course, as the subject taught is a matter of empiricism instead of one of pure science, but yet the practical men in all the professions receive their necessary scientific outfit there. the other hand, it has but little to do with discipline and education proper, and does but indirectly train useful and honourable members of "society." In no sense is it a tryst, where the select youths of the nation meet with a view less to study than to form connections, or to spend comfortably some years of leisure-life. If there be such they are rare exceptions, the great bulk of the students devoting themselves earnestly to books and lectures. In its pursuits after knowledge the university is entirely free both in teaching and learning. No compulNo compulsory drill by recitation of set textbooks takes place, nor do the professors waste time either in marking the students down or up, according to daily shown proficiency, or in watching their egress and ingress in duly licensed lodgings or university buildings. The teachers within their respective spheres are at liberty to teach what they choose and how they choose, being responsible only for their own work, but not for that of their disciples.

But, besides this, the University of Upsala is a national institution in the widest and truest sense of the term. No class in the community is excluded from participation in its benefits, but throwing its gates open to all, it receives the sons and daughters of the poorest and humblest farmer or artisan with the same impartiality and affection

as

those of the wealthiest banker or the proudest nobleman, and, save in divinity and law, women are exactly on the same footing as men. Meddling in no private affairs of the students, either as regards lodgings or dress, the university leaves them free to live at the No. 216.-VOL. XXXVI.

cheapest possible rate. All the public instruction is wholly gratuitous, and sufficient to all the students who avail themselves of it and work in earnest. Books and scientific appliances are also free, and at the disposal of the students. No "idle" Fellows-the English institution of Fellowships is totally unknown in Scandinaviadrain the financial resources; but whatever means for the promotion of learning the university owns is bestowed upon the most prominent of its pupils, with preference to those of straitened means, where merits are equal. Consequently, it affords all students an equal chance of first-rate education at the lowest price, and thus has raised many a man who, from the lowliest home, has ascended to the highest places in the State or Church. This accounts for the devotion with which all classes-mechanic, farmer, and tradesman no less than clergyman and nobleman attached to their institutions of learning, and prone to grant to them all pecuniary assistance at their command.

are

Upsala University was founded in the year 1477, by Sten Sture the Elder, then Regent of Sweden, with the assistance of the Archbishop of Upsala, and the consent of Pope Sixtus IV. Its first privileges were modelled after those of Bologna and Paris. In fact, it was rather an enlarged cathedral school, and continued for nearly 150 years to be a university in name more than in reality. For some time it was even totally supplanted by a Jesuit College at Stockholm. Its slow and precarious growth is closely connected. with the disturbed circumstances of the whole State, internal and external, religious and political. The university first exercised the power of confering degrees in the year 1600, and was first placed on a firm basis by Gustavus Adolphus (1611-32), who endowed it with his own library and estates, and furnished it with professors worthy of the name. From the time of Gustavus Adolphus, who may thus rightly be styled its second founder, Upsala University has

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