offence, 151 persons, of whom 103 were tried, and of these 58 were convicted; of only 2 the offence was reduced to simple larceny, and 43 were acquitted. The alteration which thus took place in the administration of the law, recently after the law had been altered, appears to be very striking, and was not, it should seem, much calculated to encourage men to commit the crime. Before the law was altered, only 6 out of 77 persons, that is about one-thirteenth of the whole number tried, were found guilty of the whole crime of which they were accused; but after the law was altered, nearly two-thirds were convicted of the crime they stood charged with. In one year, out of 65 tried, 45 were convicted; in the next, out of 65, forty were convicted. It ought, however, to be observed, that of the 77 persons tried in the three years and a half immediately preceding the repeal of the Act of Elizabeth, although only 6 were capitally convicted, yet of the rest, 35 were convicted of simple larceny, and 36 were acquitted: but from hence it appears that only about half the number tried suffered any punishment, and near half enjoyed complete impunity whereas after the law had been altered, two-thirds were punished, and only one-third escaped all punishment.'

Sir S. R. then proceeds to shew that the punishment has been much more severe than could before be inflicted,' and to make the following observation; that this great diminution of the chance of escape and this great increase in the severity of the punishment have really operated to allure men to the commission of the crime, it is surely impossible for any one to believe.' We agree with this learned gentleman in his conclusion; and we are not without hopes that the prejudice, which has been raised against his endeavours, will soon, under the influence of the effects which his exertions have already produced, be entirely worn away: while those in power, whose support is necessary to carry into effect his liberal views, will see and acknowlege that his suggestions have nothing of the violence of party-spirit, but are founded in correct views of human nature and general policy.

We have now room for only a few detached observations. Notwithstanding the great accommodation which Sir Nathaniel Conant sees in the business of a Pawn-Broker 'to the poorer classes of people,' by enabling a woman to pawn her garments, and with the produce to go to Billingsgate and buy mackarel, and afterwards fruit, and by the sale to keep her family for three days,' we cannot refrain from the consideration that the shops of Pawn-Brokers may be made little better than receptacles for stolen goods; and, if they are to be tolerated, they should be put under most rigid regulations.

With regard to the Parish-Watchmen, it is obvious that they should be chosen from a more efficient class of men; and their conduct towards the women of the town should be more narrowly inspected. The increase, in late years, of these miserable objects has been most extraordinary, and the subject would of itself be a very proper branch of inquiry: but, though we cannot fail to commiserate their situation, we must not forget that the perpetual view of vice will materially diminish the disgust which at first it excited, although in saying this we seem to differ from the sentiment of Pope, that "Vice, to be hated, needs but to be seen."

The dangerous allurements by which the young and unwary are led astray, and the temptations which are thrown in the way even of the more experienced in an unprepared moment, when neither the one nor the other would be guilty if the opportunity did not incite them, sufficiently establish our position.

A most material and (in our opinion) a most efficient improvement is suggested by Mr. Baker, of the MarlboroughStreet office. He recommends that two days in every week should be appropriated at the Old Bailey for the trial, before the Recorder and Common Serjeant, of all offences, except murder, forgery, and some others, which should be left to be tried as at present by the Judges. By the adoption of this mode, the public, the prosecutors, the witnesses, and the juries, would be much benefited; and as to this respectable magistrate's other proposition, that the sentences should be carried into execution sooner than they are, it seems highly probable that by such a measure the number of criminals would be much lessened.

The vast increase of juvenile offenders is universally allowed in the course of this inquiry. Might not a very rigid establishment be formed, (which is indeed suggested by Mr. Evance,) in which these children might be placed when they had been once convicted; and, thus becoming children of the country, and undergoing a system of strict discipline and plain education, be gradually weaned from their vicious habits: after which, they might be placed in regiments, or apprenticed to trades, and be rendered good and-useful members of society?

The idea of a public prosecutor certainly has its recommendations: but so many restraints ought to be laid on him, in order to prevent the possibility of his being made a public nuisance, that we do not wish to see him hastily appointed. The new office which is proposed by Mr. Fielding, also, viz. that of a superintendant-constable, with pay, between the high REV. DEC. 1816. Ee

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and petty constable, in each parish, deserves consideration.— We observe that the Committee have not yet entered into any inquiry as to the system of swindling which is carried on so universally throughout the country, and of which the metropolis is the vortex: but we are convinced that, if they would devote a very small portion of their time to that subject, they would find not only great room, but great necessity, for amendment in the laws relating to it.

We must now draw this extended article to a close; though we should wish to touch on several other points, were not the space so large that we have already occupied in the discussion of subjects which we have considered as of most importance. Various improvements in the police are recommended in the course of the Report; and the hypothesis of each witness is perhaps liable to some objection: but we are glad to see that the Committee encourage the suggestions of those who come before them, because, not being influenced by the individual feelings of the recommenders, they may propose to the legislature a system compounded from the experience of all; thus rendering effectual those of our present laws of which the spirit has been almost forgotten, and giving effect to new regulations which may counteract the evils of the actual establishment.

Since we wrote the above, we have seen another edition of this Report, published by Sherwood and Co.; which has the advantage of some sensible observations added to the evidence delivered by each of the witnesses who were examined, as well as an Index of the principal matters contained in that evidence.

ART. IX. Letters written on board His Majesty's Ship the Northumberland, and at St. Helena; in which the Conduct and Conversations of Napoleon Buonaparte, and his Suite, during the Voyage, and the first Months of his Residence in that Island, are faithfully described and related. By William Warden, Surgeon on board the Northumberland. 8vo. pp. 220. With Three Plates. Ios. 6d. Boards, Ackermann. 1816.

To person can doubt the attraction that must attend a publication, which professes to give the results of much free and unrestrained intercourse with such a character as Napoleon Bonaparte: but a previous and very important question will be asked, Is it authentic? and the most perfect satisfaction should be obtained on this point, before any argument is built or judgment formed on its details. The singular circumstances, under which that extraordinary per

sonage closed his political career, in the year 1815, would naturally lead to many opportunities of such an intercourse with him as we have mentioned, on the part of our countrymen who received him on board of our ships, and who accompanied him to St. Helena; and it might equally be expected that the public would benefit, from one quarter or another, by the information thus gained. What may be the nature and the value of the State-Report which is said to have been made to our Government on this occasion, and to the King of France, we know not, with any certainty and particularity: but, in the volume before us, we have the narrative of one who filled the situation of a gentleman in the ship which conveyed the Ex-Emperor to his scene of banishment, who seems to have had more than common access to the object of curiosity, who pledges his own character for the accuracy of his statements, whose modest yet firm preface engages us to confide in his pledge, and with whom it appears to us much more probable that Napoleon would converse freely than with any of the higher powers under whom he was now placed.

Were not such the circumstances of the present publication, we should be disposed to look with some surprize, and some suspicion, at the detail which it conveys: but, as such are the circumstances, we do not see how we can view it with any doubt; and, if we do not feel doubt, we must receive it with much interest, and consider it as of much value, both as gratifying curiosity respecting a distinguished individual, and as furnishing materials towards the history of a most eventful period. This, however, is not the only previous consideration. We may presume Mr. Warden to have spoken the truth, but he was only one of the interlocutors; and of the other and more important parties in the conversations, that is, Napoleon and his followers, it may be asked, Have he and they spoken the truth? It is not for us to resolve this inquiry: but we may not forget that men in high situations feel the necessity, which often grows into habit, of maintaining an artificial character and uncommon reserve; and that Napoleon has ever played an artificial part we have heard from no common or questionable source, Circumstanced, indeed, as he was on board the Northumberland and at St. Helena, he must have felt, "Othello's occupation's gone;" and his communications appear to be unpremeditated and undisguised yet still it may be observed that, respecting material points of fact, he would never be off his guard; and that he might even reckon on the future publicity of his dialogues with Mr. Warden, and would sustain his share in them accordingly. This idea is corroborated when the author says

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that he continually desired to know whether I perfectly comprehended his meaning, as that was his most earnest wish. (P. 143.) As to his followers, Mr. W. expressly remarks; Whenever an opportunity offered, the zealous attendants of Napoleon never failed to represent him in a manner, that might lessen any unfavourable impressions, which they supposed the English entertained respecting him, whether personal or political.' Again, (p. 143.) he says, they were always on tip-toe to be his apologists.'

Placing the pour and the contre thus before our readers, we shall leave the case with them, and introduce them to a view of some parts of a picture which cannot fail to engage the eye, whatever be its impression on the mind. Incidents that happened in presence of the writer, and traits of character or expressions of opinion that speak for themselves, may be contemplated with the less reservation of credence; and of these we shall first make a selection, and then attend to some material political events.

The inquisitiveness of Napoleon is said by Mr. Warden, as it has been represented by others, to be insatiable; and among the various objects of his interrogatories, it is curious (as Mr. W. observes) to find him questioning the Chaplain of the Northumberland respecting the forms, ceremonies, and tenets of the Church of England, and that of Scotland. The religious observances of a Sunday also led him into a conversation with his own attendants on the subject of religion: when we were generally informed,' says the author, that their Chief had thought proper, after dinner, to speak on the subject of religious faith: his opinions it was not deemed necessary to communicate any farther, than that they were generally of the most liberal and tolerating character. - One circumstance, however, it was thought proper to assert, as from his own instant authority-That his profession of the faith of Mahomet, and avowed devotion to the Crescent in Egypt, was a mere act of policy to serve the purpose of the moment. This fact appeared to be asserted with particular energy from the knowledge possessed by the party communicating it, of the abhorrence which Buonaparte's having declared himself a Mussulman excited in England.' This account is not very definite, nor is the apology very satisfactory though, if local and temporary circumstances could excuse the hypocrisy, the plea might be admissible here. His remark on Mr. Warden's cure of General Gourgond, malgrè lui, must be viewed only as a pleasantry: "Well, you Doctors have performed wonders with Gourgond: if, however, there had been a priest on the island, he would have dis

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