LETTERS

FROM ITALY

BY

J. T. HEADLEY.

NEW AND REVISED EDITION.

NEW YORK:

BAKER AND SCRIBNER,

36 PARK ROW AND 145 NASSAU STREET.

1850.

ENTERED, according to Act of Congrenn, in the year 1848, by

BAKER & SCRIBNER,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York.

203859 MAY 31, 1916 G36

.H34

INTRODUCTION TO THE NEW EDITION.

SINCE the publication of the following letters, many things have occurred to give a prominence to Italian politics which they did not before possess, as well as tend to change one's views respecting the Italian people. On reflection, however, I have concluded to let my opinions stand uncorrected in the body of the work, so that my original design may be carried out―viz., to give my impressions at the time, or, in other words, to talk as I travelled, leaving the reader to draw his own conclusions. I was then some years younger than now, and hence uttered many sentiments I should now suppress. The rainbow hues and romance of life depart as we grow older, and common places take the place of sentiment; still the frankness and freedom with which these letters were written have their merits as well as defects at all events, first impressions are fresher, if not more correct than afterthoughts, and therefore I shall let them remain. With regard to the political state of Italy, however, I would say something additional.

Those acquainted with history are aware of the iniquitous partition made of Italy, after the downfall of Napoleon. The allied sovereigns, assembled in Vienna, regarded it as so much common plunder. Venice and Milan were given to Austria; Modena sliced off for an Austrian prince, who had usurped the name of Este; while the wife of Napoleon, as the daughter of Austria, had Parma. A Bourbon had a life interest in Modena; Genoa was treacherously given over by England into the hands of Piedmont, and Tuscany put under an Austrian Duke. The Pope was allowed to retain possession of about 18,117 Ro

man square miles, containing a population of 2,500,000, over which he ruled as absolute king. So heavy have been his oppressions, that his kingdom at length became reduced to bankruptcy. The revenue amounted to only $10,000,000, one quarter of which was expended in mere collection. The public debt increased so fast, that constant loans were necessary, until at length the government securities were all used up, and the Pontiff was compelled to mortgage his palaces at Rome. The legates and delegates ruling the several provinces became notoriously dishonest and corrupt; even magistrates could be bought, while men were imprisoned, ad infinitum, on mere suspicion. Six thousand were computed to be incarcerated every year, or one out of every four hundred of the population.

Now, when we add to all these the rigorous censorship of the press, the espionage of the police, and the relentless persecution of men for their political opinions, to say nothing of the oppressive taxes and discouragement of all industry, we cannot be surprised at the bitter feelings manifested by the people towards the Pope. The stream of all their troubles was traced directly to the pontifical throne. At the feet of the holy father sank all their hopes and happiness. A corrupt sovereign, corrupt priesthood, corrupt courts, corrupt officials-half of them pardoned banditti-everywhere made a mockery of justice, religion, and human suffering. The strong hand of power crushed the life out of Italy, and hence arose the endless conspiracies which have resulted only in filling Austrian prisons with victims, and ships with exiles.

Now it is evident, from this meagre outline, that such a state of things could not long exist. There is a limit to all oppression, a point where desperation begins and revolutions follow. Pope Gregory was a tool of Austria; and too stupid to perceive, or too timid to prevent, the bankruptcy and fast approaching ruin of his kingdom, let oppression take its course. But the