at laft come to an open war, because, I hope, we shall be able to confine it to a maritime and American war; but furely, we ought to prevent, if poffible, our enemy's having any allies in the war, and confequently we ought to avoid giving them any plaufible pretence to call for the affiftance of thofe powers that are actually engaged with them in a defenfive alliance. And it is certain, that his majefty is not only the beft, but the only judge what measures are moft proper for preventing its being in the power of France to perfuade any court in Europe that we have been the aggreffors in the war. It is, indeed, an affair which we cannot any way pretend to judge of because we know nothing of the present ftate of the negotiation, or how the other powers of Europe ftand affected with regard to the prefent difputes between France and us in America; and even fuppofing we did, we ought not allow the bringing in of fuch a bill as this, because it would be, in my opinion, a parliamentary declaration of war, which is abfolutely inconfiftent with our conftitution, and would be an en croachment upon one of the most undoubted and moft neceffary prerogatives of the crown. This incroachment, Sir, would, in the prefent cafe, be the more flagrant, as there is not the leaft occafion for it: Every British feaman, at least every one of them that has ever read or heard of the act paffed in 1739, muft know, that they have the fole right to all prizes which they shall have a concern in taking when employed in his majefty's fhips of war, after war has been once declared by his majefty; and even with regard to privateers they know, that the owners and the feamen on board of fuch privateers, have, by the fame act, the fole right to all prizes that shall be taken by fuch privateers after they have received their commiffions; and that as foon as war is declared, the lords commiffioners of the Admiralty are obliged 2 D to iffue commissions to all fuch as fhall apply for them in the proper and ufual manner. This fole right, they know, is already vefted in them by act of parliament, and that without any deduction, except the fees of the Admiralty court where the prize is condemned, and thofe fees, in his majesty's plantations or dominions abroad, not to exceed 10 l. for a prize under 100 tons burthen, nor 151. for a prize of 100 tons, or any greater burthen: Therefore no feamen can, from what is now propofed, have any greater temptation to enter into his majefty's fervice, than what he has from the law as it now ftands; nor can our bringing in fuch a bill, or even our palling it into a law, encourage any one feaman to enter voluntarily into his majefty's fervice, who is not already inclined to do fo as foon as he can find an opportunity. Perhaps it may be true, Sir, that the law which was paffed in 1739, may ftand in need of fome explanations and amendments, but no explanation or amendment can give the feamen a better or a more extenfive right to their fhare in the prizes, than they have by that law as it now ftands and if methods can be found for making the recovery of that right more expeditious, or lefs expensive, fhall we not have time enough to contrive proper methods for this purpose after the declaration of war? For if we fhould be obliged at last to come to that extremity, it is highly probable the cafe will happen before the end of this feffion; and if the cafe fhould happen, I hope we fhall have the affiftance of the noble lord and the Hon. gentleman who have made and feconded this motion; for tho' a negative fhould now be put upon their motion, I am perfuaded, they will join heartily and fincerely in every method that can be thought of for encouraging our brave feamen, and for preventing, as much as poffible, the neceflity of preffing; which I must allow is often attended with great bard hips fhips upon the preffed men, and that it is impoffible to prevent the neceflity of preiling, according to the prefent method, for the fea fervice, any other way than by enabling the government to have always not only a lift of all the men in the British dominions fit for that fervice, but also a knowledge where to call for them, and a power to compel all of them to ferve in their turn; and it has been hitherto thought, that this would be attended with greater inconveniences than the method we now have of providing for the fea fervice. Whilft we pursue this method, there is no way for leffening the inconveniences attending it, but by good ufuage, and other advantages, to induce as many as poffible to qualify themselves for the fea fervice, and to enter voluntarily when the government has occafion for their fervice; and no law can be, I think, more effectual for this purpofe, than that which was paffed in the year 1739. Therefore, Sir, if any amendments can be made to that law, I fhall moft readily agree to them, when it becomes convenient for us to take that fubject into our confideration; but to enter upon it at prefent, would look fo much like a menace, that the French would think themselves bound in honour to break off all negotiations with us, and all the courts of Europe would confider us as the fole occafion of the war which would neceffarily enfue; for which reafon, I hope, the noble lord will withdraw his motion, and thereby prevent any gentleman's being obliged, contrary to his inclination, to give it a negative. For both thefe fervices, Sir, there must always be prefling when the honour and fafety of our country render it neceflary to have foldiers or failors, and our government cannot find a fufficient number that will enter voluntarily. The only reason why preffing for failors has been more frequent and more complained of than pretling for foldiers, is, becaufe from the fituation of this country, the former becomes much oftner neceffary, and thofe that are liable to be preffed into the fea fervice, have generally a much better character than thofe that are liable to be preffed into the land fervice; because we have not for many years been obliged to make any man liable to be preffed into the latter, but fuch as have something of the vagabor in their character. But if an invafion, or other fuch danger, fhould oblige us to raise a numerous army, we should be under a neceflity to prefs men of a bet-Life of the King of Pruffia continued ter character into the land fervice or to oblige all the men fit for the fervice to draw lots, and even in that cafe, the lot fell, be [This JOURNAL to be continued in our next.] from p. 515, of December Magazine, 1756, and con cluded. T is eafy to perceive preffed, if they refused to ferve volun- Iking of Prufine eixe that if the arily. From hence I am convinced, cient; ambition or animofity can never want want a plea for violence and invafion. What he charges upon the queen of Hungary, the waste of countries, the expulfion of the Bavarians, and the employment of foreign troops, is the unavoidable confequence of a war inflamed on either fide to the utmott violence. All these grievances fubfifted when he made the peace, and there-fore they could very little juftify its breach. It is true that every prince of the empire is obliged to fupport the imperial dignity, and affift the emperor when his rights are violated. And every fubfequent contract must be understood in a fenfe confiftent with former obligations, nor had the king power to make a peace on terms contrary to that conftitution by which he held a place among the Germanic electors. But he could have easily discovered, that not the emperor but the duke of Bavaria was the queen's enemy, not the adminiftrator of the imperial power, but the claimant of the Auftrian dominions. Nor did his allegiance to the emperor, fuppofing the emperor injured, oblige him to more than a fuccour of ten thousand men. But 10,000 men could not conquer Bohemia, he could receive no reward for the zeal and fidelity, which he fo loudly profeiled. The fuccefs of this enterprize he had taken all poffible precaution to fecure. He was to invade a country guarded only by the faith of treaties, and therefore left unarmed, and unprovided of all defence. He had engaged the French to attack Prince Charles before he fhould re-pals the Rhine, by which the Auftrians would at least have been hindered from a fpeedy march into Bohemia, they were likewife to yield him fuch other alliftance as he might want. Relying therefore upon the promifes of the French, he refoved to attempt the ruin of the house of Auftria and in August 1744, broke into Bohemia at the head of an hundred and four thousand men. When he entered the country he published a proclamation promifing. That his army fhould obferve the ftricteft discipline, and that thofe who made no refiftance fhould be fuffered to remain at quiet in their habitations. He required that all arms, in the cuftody of whomfoever they might be placed, fhould be given up, and put into the hands of public officers. He still de- clared himself to act only as an auxiliary to the emperor, and with no cther defign than to establish peace and tranquility throughout Germany, bis dear country. In this proclamation there is one paragraph of which I do not remember any precedent. He threatens that if any peafant fhall be found with arms, he fhall be hanged without further enquiry, and that if any lord fhall connive at his vafals keeping arms in their cuftody, his village fhall be reduced to afhes. It is hard to find upon what pretence the king of Pruffia could treat the Bohemians as criminal, for preparing to defend their native country, or maintain their allegiance to their lawful fovereign against an invader, whether he appears principal or auxiliary, whether he profeffes to intend tranquillity or confufion. His progrefs was fuch as gave great hopes to the enemies of Auftria; like CESAR he conquered as he advanced, and met with no oppofition till he reached the walls of Prague. The indignation and refentment of the queen of Hungary may be easily conceived; the alliance of Franckfort was now laid open to all Europe, and the partition of the Auftrian dominions was again publickly projected. They were to be fhared among the emperor, the king of Pruffia, the elector palatine, and the landgrave of Heffe. All the powers of Europe who had dreamed of controuling France, were awakened to their former terrors; all that had been done was now to be done again, and every court from the ftraits of Gibraltar to the Frozen Sea, king of Pruffia in his retreat feat letters to prince Charles which were fuppofed to contain ample conceffions, but were fent back un-opened. The K. of England offered likewife to mediate between them, but his propofitions were rejected at Vienna, where a refolution was taken not only to revenge the interruption of their fuccefs on the Rhine by the recovery of Silefia, but to reward the Saxons for their feafonable help, by giving them part of the Pruffian dominions. In the beginning of the year 1745 died the emperor Charles of Bavaria, the treaty of Frankfort was confe quently at an end, and the king of Prutha being no longer able to maintain the character of auxiliary to the emperor, and having avowed no other reafon for the war might have hoBourably withdrawn his forces, and on his own principles have complied with terms of peace: But no terms were offered him; the queee purfued him with the utmoft ardour of hoftility, and the French left him to his own conduct, and his own destiny. His Bohemian conquefts were al ready loft, and he was now chafed back into Silefia, where at the beginning of the year the war continued in an equilibration by alternate Joffes and advantages. In April the elector of Bavaria feeing his dominions overrun by the Auftrians, and receiving very little fuccour from the French, made a peace with the Q of Hungary upon eafy conditions, and the Austrians had more troops to employ against Prussia. But the revolutions of war will not fuffer human prefumption to remain long unchecked. The peace with Bavaria was fcarcely concluded when the battle of Fontenoy was loft, and all the allies of Auftria called upon her to exert her utmost power for the prefervation of the low countries, and a few days after the lofs at Fontenoy, the first battle between the Pruffians and the combined army of Auftrians and Saxons was fought at Niedburg Siilefia. The particulars of this battle were variously reported by the different parties, and published in the journals of that time; to tranfcribe them would be tedious and useless, because accounts of battles are not eafily underftood, and because there are no means of determining to which of the relations credit fhould be given. It is fufficient that they all end in claiming or allowing a compleat victory to the K. of Prullia, who gained all the Austrian artillery, killed 4000, took 7000 prifoners, with the lofs according to the Pruflian narrative, of only 1600 men. He now advanced again into Bohemia, where, however, he made no great progrefs. The queen of Hungary though defeated was not fubdued. She poured in her troops from all parts to the reinforcement of P. Charles, and determined to continue the struggle with all her power. The king faw that Bohemia was an unpleafing and inconvenient theatre of war, in which he should be ruined by a miscarriage, and fhould get little by a victory. Saxony was left defenceless, and if it was conquered might be plundered. He therefore published a declaration againt the elector of Saxony, and without waiting for reply, invaded his dominions. This invafion produced another battle at Standentz, which ended, as the former, to the advantage of the Pruffians. The Auftrians had fome advantage in the beginning, and their irregular troops, who are always daring and always ravenous, broke into the Pruffian camp, and carried away the military cheft. But this was easily repaired by the fpoils of Saxony. The queen of Hungary was ftill inflexible, and hoped that fortune would at laft change. She recruited once more her army, and prepared to invade the territories of Brandenburg, but the king of Pruflia's activity prevented all her defigns. One part of his forces feized Leipfic and the other once more defea ted then, faid he, I have own it to die afterwards. I asked him how he knew it was for that cause it died; he replied, because he had in fuch cafe fcratched up the root, and found there was not flour or milk fufficient to maintain the blade till it could take root. I met farmer White and farmer Bachelour of Litchfield in the market; I told farmer White how thin his feed wheat proved that he had fent me, and that it was exceedingly blighted; and that I was fatisfied, let the farmers pretend what they will, that blighted wheat, if fowed late in the year, though it might come to a blade, yet the flour or milk that ought to maintain it would be spent before it could root more, and then, if frotts came, it would be in danger of dying. They agreed with me, that in cafe it was late fowed, it was their opinion alfo, but it would do well if fowed early; but faid farmer Lake, an hour after when I was speaking to him about it, let it be fowed early or late, give me a full-bodied wheat Many farmers, and indeed all I have talked with on the subject, agree that mufty wheat, though not grown out, will not grow. I fuppofe it is, because the feminal part is malted, though it does not outwardly fhew itfelf, as it does when it is grown out. Farmer Biggs fays, he always fows the Blueberry wheat, that is, the rath-ripe wheat.The mealmen do not like the white Lammas wheat; they fay it does not caft fo fine a flour-Thomas Elton alfo fays, they feldom fow the white Lammas wheat; and both he and farmer Biggs fay, the mealmen know it from the other better than they do who fow it. Thomas Elton fays, he has been at Reading with it, and could not have fo much by twelve fhillings in a load as for the Blueberry wheat, though of the fame good nefs. I asked him, white Lammas wheat earliest, because of its being laft ripe; he replied, he found no difference in that, but that it was ripe as foon as the other to the full. The original of brining and liming feed-wheat feems to be purely an English practice. Sharrock fays, brining and liming wheat may defend it againft grubs, infects, and worms, and fortify the grain; but he cannot think it any fecurity against blights, &c. I had wheat brined and limed for fowing, but, much rain coming, and the ground being wet, I could not fow it for a fortnight. At a fortnight's end I had feveral people with me about measuring harveft work; fo afked their opinion, whether fuch wheat would grow or not; one faid, he had known wheat that had not been brined and limed above a week, and a great deal of it did not grow. Another, it depended on the high degree to which it was limed, for, it was fo highly limed that it shrunk and fhriveled, it would not grow; but, in cafe the kind looked plump and fmooth, there was no danger. A third was of opinion, that there was great difference in the manner of brining it, for, if the wheat had been steeped in brine, it would be much apter to burn by lying in lime, than it would have been only fprinkled with brine in the morning it was limed.Note, this brined wheat was not fowed tlll November the 7th, which was feven weeks after it was limed, and yet it grew and came up fo thick, that it feemed to have received no prejudice. It was univerfally obferved, this laft winter, that the wheat that was killed by the winter of 1708, was not killed by the frofts, though they were very intenfe, but by the winds, which drove the frofly particles in fuch a manner, as to penetrate into the roots of the corn; this may be fuppofed to be effected with their an gles |