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mate tendencies of both sections of the Union, the sufferings and the agony of slavery. Inif each should be allowed to develop fully and deed, the tone of this address was, on the freely the “ idea” which is in them. In the whole, so mild and didactic, that it received one, you would get a structure rigidly based an early and almost emphatic welcome from on slavery from the lowest caste of society, our sedate contemporary. Now, what do these and carrying up the claim of strength to deal four hundred gentlemen say about the cornerwith the weak as it thinks fit into the strata stone of their system? Do they encourage, above, by the aid of the Richmond Examiner's as the Times correspondent in the South second great apophthegm that“ among equals would have us believe, the notion of an early equality is right; among those who are nat- emancipation movement so soon as the South urally unequal, equality is chaos; that there has established its independence? Do they are slave races born to serve, master races tell us, as the inventive mind of English symborne to govern ;”—and, he ought to add, pathy repeats-only the more eagerly the the lees and dregs of master races born to be more utterly groundless the dream appears, their tools in carrying out their will on the that the true way to secure freedom for the race of slaves. In the other, we shall have a slaves is to say at once to the South, without structure of society more and more deeply conditions, • Go in peace ?” On the con- penetrated by the Abolitionist idea of the di- trary, they give thanks for slavery,—much vine rights of the weak and the oppressed to a on behalf of the whites, more on behalf of the protected freedom, leavening, we trust, the slave himself. Let them speak for themprejudiced and narrow, though not radically selves : 6. With all the facts of the system ungenerous ideas, which always pervade of slavery in its practical operations before us, large masses of imperfectly cultivated men, as eye-witnesses and ministers of the Word, till the spirit of freedom and reverence at having had perfect understanding of all length subdues even the bigotry of headless things' on this subject of which we speak, majorities, that have to grope their own blind we may surely claim respect for our opinions way to statesmanship. We have always main- and statements. Most of us have grown up tained that the missionary principles and from childhood among the slaves ; all of us have leaders on both sides are destined to prevail preached to and taught them the word of life; over the lukewarm; and the process is going have administered to them the ordinances of on rapidly before our eyes.
the Christian Church; sincerely love them If any one, like our amiable and sedate as souls for whom Christ died; we go among contemporary, the Globe, for instance, them freely, and know them in health and which invariably endeavors, in its own culti- sickness, in labor and rest, from infancy to vated but rather helpless way, to mediate be-old age. We are familiar with their physical tween European political convictions, and the and moral condition, and alive to all their Southern slavery, doubts this inevitable interest ; and we testify, in the sight of God, gravitation of the South towards the extreme that the relation of master and slave among development of the extreme propagandist idea us, however we may deplore abuses in this, it has so rashly hugged to its bosom, let him as in other relations of mankind, is not innote how steadily even the anxious tempor-compatible with our holy Christianity, and izers pass under its influence. There is an that the presence of the Africans in our land address to which four hundred Christian min- is an occasion of gratitude on their behalf, isters of all denominations in the Southern before God: seeing that thereby Divine States have lately given in their signatures at Providence has brought them where missionRichmond, and addressed to “ Christians aries of the Cross may freely proclaim to them throughout the world.” Now, when minis- the word of salvation, and the work is not ters of the Gospel try to put the best face on interrupted by agitating fanaticism. The the Southern case to “ Christians throughout South has done more than any people on the world,” we may be sure they will be as earth for the Christianization of the African moderate in crossing the convictions of Chris- race.” They go on to say that the slaves tians throughout the world as they can be who have escaped since the war are gone, consistently with their own position. From" and, we aver, can go to no state of society them, at least, we need not fear that the that offers them any better things than they have most sacred words and ideas will be applied to at home, eitherin respect to their temporal
or eternal welfare." It would, of course, be choose to do so without more distinct authormuch worse, both for the 66 temporal and ity, and said he would write for credentials, eternal welfare” of the slave, if the system when Mr. Mason rejoined by a letter of indigwhich legalizes, and sometimes almost insists nation evidently written for publication, and on, brutality, adultery, and the disruption intended to demolish Mr. Conway, in which of family life, were entirely done away with. he exposes to the United States the dealings Clearly the four hundred ministers of Christ's of the Abolitionist party. We shall be surGospel have only diluted the more earnest lan-prised, however, if the effect, on the whole, guage of the Richmond Examiner, for foreign -perhaps the carefully calculated effect—of consumption.
Mr. Conway's measure be not to convince But, finally, what do the Southern states- Englishmen of the utter futility of their hopes men say to the assertion of their English for a Confederate emancipation. Mr. Mason friends that their first wish is to get rid of concludes with saying, “ As some reward, slavery as soon as they have got rid of the however, for your interesting disclosure, your Northern aggression ? We have a curious inquiry whether the Confederate States will glimpse of this aspect of the subject in the consent to emancipation shall not go wholly correspondence just published between Mr. unanswered. You may be assured, then, and Mason, the Confederate diplomatist here, and perhaps it may be of value to your constituents Mr. Conway, the representative of the Abo- to assure them, that the Northern States will litionist party. Mr. Conway, by birth a never be in relations to put this question to Virginian, and a true Southerner by political the South, nor will the Southern States ever instinct, though his faith in freedom has in- be in a position requiring them to give an duced him to sacrifice even patriotic feeling answer,' a somewhat enigmatic piece of for his duty to the slaves, has just written to braggadocio, but conveying, we take it in Mr. Mason to make him an offer on the part connection with the whole tone of the letter, of the American Abolitionist party. They Mr. Mason’s conviction that, however agreesupport the war, he says, on anti-slavery able to the Confederates the prospect of peace principles alone ; if the Confederates would and independence with slavery may be, war, emancipate honestly, or promise an emanci- or even subjugation, would be preferable to pation guaranteed by European powers with casting away this corner-stone of their great in the limits of any reasonable time, the edifice. Northern Abolition party would no longer And, no doubt, this is the truth. The care to conduct a war which would then, in- Confederacy has but one political idea which deed, be a mere war “ for empire.” They dominates the imaginations of men. That are fighting for something much better than idea is the new gospel of “ Slavery, Subordiempire-freedom. That once secured, they nation, Government,”—the good tidings of would not care to rule the continent of Amer- great joy that every African is born to be ica, but be quite ready to part in peace. scourged on earth, and subjected to the vile Unfortunately, however, that once secured, passions of his white masters, before he can the Confederates would not care to keep their carn his salvation. Mr. Mason would probseparate nationality, which is based not on ably not have scrupled for a moment to nethe love for self-government, but on the love gotiate an alliance with the Northern Demofor the arbitrary government of others. It crats ; but with the Abolitionists ! why, it was for this purpose, and this only, that they would have been better a thousand times to seceded, and Mr. Mason has evidently a very propose a surrender without terms to the distinct impression that his superiors are by mercy of the Northern armies. The Confedno means prepared to abandon the despotic erates are making war for something more privilege for the sake of which they have run than an idea. They have a fanatic faith in all this risk. He replied to Mr. Conway's their own horrid institution; and if asked first letter by a diplomatic feint, which shows to choose between that and independence, that he is a very sly man indeed, and might for themselves, with the sacred right of tyr
they would probably prefer political servitude have succeeded in inculpating more than one Abolitionist with the Federal Government. He in sacrificing the right to keep others under
anny over others, to an independence which, wanted Mr. Conway to produce the names of his the yoke, would have lost all its sweetness Abolitionist principals. Mr. Conway did not and flavor.
From The Saturday Review, 13 June. of a new political era have been awakened in THE RESULTS OF THE FRENCH ELECTIONS. a dim and shadowy way. But all this is on THERE is much in the general result of the a scale that makes it very
safe. Nine-tenths elections in France which might be supposed of the Chamber will still be composed of depto harmonize very well with what Imperial- uties who would vote black was white if they ism is theoretically. For it would be unjust were bidden, and, therefore, the practical to deny that, in the mind of the emperor, course of Government cannot be changed. and of those who are capable of seeing Impe- Nor are the large towns at all less securely rialism through the halo with which his in the grasp of their master than they were. fancy surrounded it, the Government which Paris may return an Opposition deputy in the Second Napoleon was destined to establish every district, but Paris is at the mercy of a was something more than a inere stupid, ruler who has barracks full of soldiers within grinding despotism. It was to be a strong the city, and who has cleared in
direcGovernment, with a strong mind at the head tion these open paths for cannon-balls the of it, but at the same time it must realize the spectacle of which, because they are lined hopes and satisfy the wishes of every section with big white houses and rows of trees, is and class. And, among other persons, those supposed by M. Persigny to awaken so much who think for their neighbors, and reflect gratitude and pleasure in the Parisians. upon public life, and have a sense of civic Lyons, and Marseilles are as liable as they patriotism, ought to be able to contribute all were ten years ago to those fatal raids which they can to the public service. It is at once swept off so many innocent and unknown a discredit and a danger to a great country men to the horrors of a penal settlement, and that a heavy shroud of deadly ignorance and hushed the discontented into the silence of a apathy should completely envelope it. There gloomy fear. Therefore the reality of power ought to be some stir, some life, some vent is the same, and the deep foundations of the for the ardor, or the doubts, or the discon- Imperial Government remain unshaken. But tents of the educated classes. The press, in- the empire has a new spirit and energy deed, is full of dangers, and an Imperial thrown into it by the presence of capable and Government that could bear to have the truth eminent men in its councils, and the intellect told of it every morning would cease to be it- of its great cities is saved from stagnation and self. Nor is Parliamentary government, after despair, while yet the invisible chains it never the English pattern, to be tolerated, for it is ceases to wear are suficient to prevent it from absurd that the Government should be com- doing any harm. mitted to the hands of one man, and yet that A sanguine and enlightened Imperialist he should be made to do what he perhaps might casily carve out some comfort for himentirely disapproves of because a certain ma- self of this sort ; and it appears to us to be chinery of votes and speechifying has been substantially true that a certain degree of brought to play against him. But the em- political life is quite consistent with at least pire might obtain a safe advantage if the sense the temporary strength of the empire. There and intellect of the nation could but be is no reason why the emperor should not do brought to light, and made to show them- what the country wishes him, and be only selves, and to work in an appointed path, the better established for complying ; and he while yet their activity was kept within a mayalearn what he is to do by having the inrecognized limit. And it might be said that dex of an effective Opposition to guide him. this is very much what is promised by the He is, indeed, saved by his position from recent elections. The large towns have, it is having to make those sudden promises of a true, shown a new disposition to think and change of policy which are forced on the act for themselves. A thrill of political life rulers of constitutional countries by the shifthas passed through the population. In many ing tides of parliamentary majorities. Nor important constituencies deputies have been need he give up any object on which he has returned to oppose the ministry, and in many set his fancy, or abandon any enterprise with others the success of the ministerial candidate which he has connected his name. IIe is not has been seriously imperilled. Men who can likely to depart from that system of large exteach the Government something have been penditure on public works which has, indeed, sent to the Chamber, and the hopes and fears been a severe drain on France in the last ten
years, but which has certainly gained him place have the clerical party or their friends much popularity, and has directed the hoards ventured on any strong appeal to the masses of his subjects into many profitable invest- on the points most dear to the chief chamments. He will scarcely abandon the Mexi-pions of the Papacy. There has been scarcely can expedition, and the Mexicans will prob- an allusion to the temporal power of the
pope ably have to suffer severely for their cour- or to the Christian duty of supporting it. It ageous
and resolute defence of Puebla. But is evident that Frenchmen of the present day it was unmistakable at the elections that all do not care about keeping the pope up and those in France who are capable of reflecting aggrandizing or protecting the Church, in the on political subjects are bent on a diminu- sense in which they care about having fewer tion of the public expenditure, and on avoid- taxes to pay or having their relations saved ing for the future the squandering of French from being sent to die of yellow fever in the life and money in distant purposeless expe- tropics. A year ago, when the emperor was ditions. It was not only the success of the supposed to be hesitating whether he should Opposition candidates that showed this, or let the Italians have Rome or not, it was the confidence with which they appealed on generally, thought that the great influence these two points to the convictions of their which the priests could bring to bear against countrymen. In many places the ministerial him if he ceased to occupy Rome went far candidate had to take exactly the same line, to determine his resolution. But the elecand denounced extravagant expenditure and tions have shown that the priests could do useless enterprises in a way which nothing little to hurt him, and that he may be guided but the approval of the préfet could have by considerations of pure
secular expediency. made to appear becoming in a friend of the Nor is this all. The priests have been shown Government. The emperor may, therefore, to be capable of being something worse feel sure that France at this moment would than defeated. They have been shown, like him to be a little more economical, and in at least one remarkable instance, to be a little less venturous, and, if he takes the willing to be bought over. M. de Montalemhint, France will be pleased. The Opposi- bert, the first of Catholic orators, the chamtion will, of course, decline to be satisfied, pion of Rome, the philosophic friend of the and will suggest that his economy is not Papacy, the literary hero of Ultramontanism, sufficiently economical, and that his caution was rejected, and he was rejected because the as to engaging in foreign entanglements is bishop of the diocese worked openly and hard not sufficiently cautious. But if, on the against him. The bishop, when appointed, whole, he is plainly going in the direction undertook to be a friend of the Government, in which the country desires he should go, and he has amply redeemed his promise. It mere criticism of details will be powerless is impossible to overrate the importance of to diminish the favorable impression which the fact. The Government was very anxious this will produce. And if this is the result to keep M. de Montalembert out, and the of the elections, it is by no means clear that chief reason for this anxiety was the appreFrance, feeling the great fact that power lies hension lest the eloquence and the fame of in the hands of the chief of the army, and the great orator might cause embarrassment that there is no chance of any great and sud- whenever the Government was supposed to den access of liberty, will not be very toler- be endangering the interests of Catholicism. ably content.
And yet such a man has been condemned to And it must be remembered that if, in silence, and the Papacy has lost its champion one direction, the Government has suffered a in the Chamber, through the agency of a defeat, and has discovered more of political bishop. Nothing could provoke a more bitter thought and political courage than it ex- contempt in the minds of Frenchmen for the pected, in another direction it has achieved clerical party, or more amply justify the ina great triumph. The recent elections have difference with which the cause of the priests done much to rid it of its fear of the clergy. appears to be regarded. The priests have carried their candidates in This makes the path of the emperor much very few places. One or two of the Ultra- clearer. It is not difficult for a man with montane opponents of the Government have his ability to fall in with the general line been returned, but that is all. And in no in which the political thought of the coun
try is running, and to spend less and be mended that Poland should be made an indemore careful of his soldiers. But if the pendent kingdom under some prince of the clergy were strong, and honest, and deter- Imperial family. As the Emperor Alexander, mined—if they appealed to feelings largely however, will assuredly not adopt the suggesand deeply entertained—and if the jobbing of tion it is useless to discuss a compromise political bishops was a thing not to be pur- which might probably be advantageous if it chased—the emperor would have to deal with were not altogether imaginary. It is with a power independent of his own, and wbich Russian claims to sovereignty, and with Polhe might have to obey very much against bis ish efforts for independence, that the Governwishes. As it is, the emperor has, for the ments of England, France, and Austria have present, gained rather than lost by the elec- practically to deal. The difficulty of even tions; and he may perhaps be inclined to devising a feasible proposal seems almost inpress his advantage, and, by making some superable. Lord Ellenborough proved that further approach to the appearance of lib- an armistice was impossible ; and Lord erty, give a fuller vent to the desire for po- Russell, not less conclusively, answered litical action which he hopes always to be able that it was nevertheless indispensable. A to restrain within very moderate limits. But cessation of arms implies a demarcation of the elections have also revealed, among other limits between regular belligerents, occupythings, the weak point of Imperialism. The ing respectively certain districts, with temdifficulty of all despotisms is to get servants porary exemption from hostile interference. that are to be trusted, and this difficulty is In Poland, the enemies are intermingled with immensely increased by the character which one another in every part of the country; and French Imperialism claims for itself. It re- the Russian officers, with the aid of the peasquires the nicest tact, and the largest pa- ants whom they can cajole or bribe, exercise tience, and the readiest adaptation of means military tyranny over all unarmed opponents. to ends, in order to work so delicate and com- The bands of insurgents only meet together plicated a system as that of an expansion of for the purpose of active operations, and intellectual and political activity under the during an intermission of hostilities they check of an overwhelming physical force. must either cease to exist, or violate the conBut the emperor, even if capable of under-ventions which might have been executed standing vaguely how this system is to be on their behalf. On the other hand Lord worked, is far too undetermined, and too fond Russell was justified in arguing that it would of abstracting himself from daily cares, to be idle to negotiate between the combatants direct every process
and when he while an internecine war was carried on with tries to work through others, he finds no one every circumstance of violence and cruelty; to his hand except such blundering, short- and it may, perhaps, in a conflict of impossisighted, hot-headed partisans as M. de Per- bilities, be allowable to select the course which signy. This is where the empire threatens is nominally the more humane. When the to break down. The time may come when Three Powers have agreed to propose an arthere will be no Louis Napoleon behind the mistice, they will be met by the further M. de Persigny of the day; and then either question whether they are prepared to enforce the Opposition will be much more formidable the acceptance of their recommendations. than it is now, or else Imperialism will de- Lord Russell expresses the deliberate opinion part altogether from its theoretical character, of his countrymen when he protests against and will be nothing more than a despotism war on behalf of Poland, although Lord Elof the most stupid and barbarous sort. lenborough states, with approximate truth,
that the motive power of diplomacy consists
exclusively in the force which may lie behind From The Saturday Review, 13 June.
it. Yet it is almost impossible to be silent in POLAND.
view of a contest which deeply interests The conversation in the House of Lords on every intelligent portion of the European Monday last strongly illustrated the compli- community. By discussing the Polish quescations of the Polish question. Lord Ellen- tion in the House of Lords, Lord Ellenborough, while he avowed a desire to main- borough himself makes one of those appeals tain the influence of Russia in Europe recom- to justice and to public opinion which he