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which would never have struck the imperial ceived no instructions of any such nature, por mind without Mr. Roebuck's suggestion—but has any communication of the sort been made this would not do, the emperor stopped Mr. to the ambassador at Paris. Roebuck with these words :

As to the despatch in answer to the appli“ No; I can't do that, and I will tell you cation of November, said to have been sent why. Some months ago I did make a formal to America by our Government to prejudice application to England. England sent my the emperor, it was, contrary to usage, pubdespatch to America. That despatch, getting lished in the Moniteur before the answer was into Mr. Seward's hands, was shown to my received, and a copy of it was also handed by ambassador at Washington. It came back the French minister at Washington to Mr. to me; and I feel that I was ill-treated by Seward, a step rather unnecessary, except as such conduct. I wont (he added), I can't a mere matter of form, as the document was subject myself again to the danger of similar already officially published as a State paper. treatment. But I will do everything short What is to be thought, then, of all this? of it. I give you full liberty to state to the We must not say that the moral for Mr. RoeEnglish House of Commons this my wish, and buck is, “put not thy trust in princes ; " but to say to them that I have determined in all as much may at least be said for the Emthings to act with England; and more than peror Napoleon as Gay says of the trader :all things I have determined to act with her

6. He ne’er deceives, unless he profits by't.” as regards America."

The force of words certainly can no far- The emperor could have no motive for filling ther go than"

more than all things. There Mr. Roebuck with flimflams, the exposure of is in this resolution a vigor of speech almost which upon the permitted publication must exceeding the pathetic representation of a have been certain and immediate. On the celebrated Irish counsel that his unfortunate other hand, there can be no doubt about Mr. client had been robbed of all he had in the Roebuck's veracity, and as to misunderstandworld, and also his hat. But did it not ing, he is not the man to make any very strike Mr. Roebuck as rather an inconsistency broad error in that direction, liable to a false that the emperor should be determined to view from passion and prepossession as he may act with England in all things, and more than be. all things as regards America, though in the There seems, then, to be but one solution same breath he had been complaining of being of the problem, that the emperor may have so ill-used that he could not even make a spoken rather at random upon imperfect recformal application to our Government for fear ollections, or impressions never ustified by of the repetition of a shabby trick, almost, the facts, which ought to have been removed. if not quite, amounting to a perfidy? Be The position, however, in which both the that as it may, Mr. Roebuck now stood be greatest man in Europe, and the greatest in fore the House in the high character of a his opinion, are placed, ought to be a lesson spiritual medium between the mind of the to them against such irregular gossippings, Emperor of the French and the British na- sure to end in some ugly question like the tion. Government was passed by, superseded, present. vice Roebuck, Envoy Extraordinary: The Opposition had vehemently cheered the account of the imperial ill-treatment, the despatch

From The Spectator, 4 July. sent to America which got into Mr. Seward's

THE PROPOSAL FOR RECOGNITION. hands. There was an end of the credit, if not the existence, of the ministry, for all had MR. ROEBUCK's motion for the recognition been found out by that cleverest of all detec- of the South has not yet received its coup de tives, Mr. Roebuck. But lo, in less than a grâce, and it is likely to linger, we see, in third of the time proverbially allotted to a its present hopeless state of living death till wonder, out comes Mr. Layard with a state- next Monday week. Mr. Roebuck has cerment of facts allowing of no dispute, which tainly used such effectual efforts to extinguish shows either that the emperor or the volun- any faint ray of hope that the partisans of the teer envoy must have made two most ex- South may have felt, that it may be almost traordinary mistakes, and that there was not imprudent for the friends of strict neutrality the smallest foundation for the story with to add anything to excite reaction. But it which Mr. Roebuck amazed the House. As may still be well, as the debate is yet pendthey say in the pulpit, first of the first, no ing and the news which must arrive from communication respecting mediation has been America before it is resumed may, to some made since November last, that is to say, no extent, modify the temporary mental attitude second communication. Baron Gros having which Mr. Roebuck’s blundering passion has heard the rumor to an opposite effect, volun- so fortunately confirmed, to recall calmly the tarily went to Lord Russell to say he had re- grave reasons against recognition, and the

paucity, or rather absolute non-existence, of their argument upon ? What they desire is, reasons in its favor.

they tell us, to hasten peace by bringing the In the first place, no blunder can be greater authority of European opinion to bear upon than to say, as many do, with our thoughtful the struggle, by strengthening the hands of contemporary the Globe, that those who think the Democratic party in the North, and so an independent Southern Republic nearly cer- encouraging the South to some final success. tain, and its subjugation not even desirable, Yet even for these ends their recommendation are by the very force of that opinion obliged is as bad as it can be. Mr. Forster pointed to ask for recognition. This is to confound out in his very able speech that European two very different things,--an opinion about opinion certainly has great influence on the the future, and an opinion so strong and pas- American continent, but that it is not unfresionate that it wishes to break through inter- quently, especially if in any way unfairly obnational law for the sake of propagating it. truded, a negative quantity—a great power The idea of the law of peaceful international to irritate, no power at all to persuade. Now recognition has been repeatedly defined. It such an opinion as this would be, in the is an unfriendly act, an act, if not quite a Northern mind, unfairly obtruded ; indeed, casus belli, still fairly leading to indignant no one can deny that it would be a breach of protest, and probably to misunderstanding international etiquette, if not a casus belli. and disputes, -to recognize the independence The effect must be a second time just what it of a revolted State unless the independence was when the Emperor of the French moved of that State is for practical purposes a fait in this direction in November. That move accompli. Now, no one can say that the strengthened greatly the hands of Mr. Linindependence of the South is a fait ac- coln, annihilated the peace Democrats, passed compli, while a nation of twenty millions a Conscription Bill, and determined the Conof people are keeping up an army of at least necticut election for the Republicans. Lord half a million for the express purpose of re- R. Cecil thinks that since then the North has ducing it, and the revolted Confederation is had so much failure to bear that they would taxing its last resources to resist. Shrewd receive a European blow in a different spirit. politicians may say the enterprise is hopeless ; It is a mere dream. In spite of Chancellorswe are inclined to think so ourselves ; but we ville the North is stronger now than it was are not the arbiters of such a question. It in November. General Houker has failed, remains by the law of nations an unfriendly but General Banks and General Grant have act, an act for which we are fairly liable to had great successes. The black troops are be called to account, to let anything but facts growing in number, discipline, and populardetermine our judgment. If the invasion of ity daily, and there is not a sign of any backthe South had so far languished that for all ward movement in the popular policy, though practical purposes it was over, that no tangi- the Western States are naturally enraged ble success could be even expected,—that the against the President's folly in Mr. Vallansubject had lost its interest, while our com- digham's case, and the peace party are almerce suffered from not having recognized lowed to speak out once more. The unasked representatives in the South,—then it would interference of Europe would do more to cease to be an unfriendly act to recognize stimulate the North to now vigor than any what facts had established. But this is not other possible event. It might, of course, 60 yet ; does not even approach the truth. inspire a disposition for war with England.. And international law on such a subject ex- But it is a great error to imagine war with: ists only for the purpose of overriding hasty England would mean peace with the South. national opinions, and controlling the impulse In a certain state of feeling,—well known in of men to prejudge events, by laying down a France in the revolutionary war,—which the general standard. It is one thing to believe Northerners are approaching, the more foes a contest hopeless,- quite another to say that you have forced upon you, the more you wish the facts are such as would justify a peaceful for, and the more you feel able to cope with. nation in acting on that belief.

Once let the country get the wild sense of inWe may assume, however, that the propo- jury, and all commercial considerations would sition has no genuine advocates, except those be cast to the winds. If the North could who wish to use it as a weapon on behalf of subdue the South at all, it would probably be the South, who do not shrink from a legally in that state of affairs in which her coasts unfriendly act to the North, who wish to were blockaded by France and England, the challenge its anger, who desire to run a con- sea covered with her privateers, and her peosiderable risk of war on behalf of their client. ple thoroughly desperate. Such, for example, was obviously the temper Finally, Lord Robert Cecil thinks or proof Lord Robert Cecil's speech no less truly, fesses to think, that this friendly act to the though less imprudently manifested than of South would tend to facilitate the change Mr. Roebuck’s. Now, what do they rest of opinion there on the subject of slavery.


Slavery yields, he says, to moral force. dence is realized. We are not solemnly to Make it a point of honor with the South to proclaim a falsity, because if it were a truth defend it, and she will cling to it fanatically. instead of a falsehood it would be profitable But ignore it, recognize her, embrace her to us. Nor is it permissible to a nation proslavery and all-in your most cordial diplo- fessing neutrality to acknowledge the indemacy, and gradually your ideas will steal in pendence of a people who have revolted in there and undermine it. If any man really order to hasten the event. We may furnish holds this view who has studied the history both sides indifferently with arms under that of American politics, he must have a faculty dead letter Foreign Enlistment Act, but we equal to Mr. Roebuck’s of crystallizing his may not deal in fiction and proclaim the thing wishes into facts. Has not this been the cry that is not, to serve the cause of the South. for fifty years in the North—and a cry

acted Mr. Roebuck was strong upon every point on, tou ? Was there a genuine Anti-Slavery but the fact. He showed many reasons for party at all in the North till this war broke desiring the independence of the Confederacy, out? Did not Mr. Lincoln himself vow never but he did not even attempt to show that the to touch slavery in the Slave States, and ex- independence has been achieved. He said press the most conservative views upon the they had vindicated their freedom, which is peculiar institution, till within the last year? a vague phrase, that they had rolled back the The simple truth is that where slavery has tide of war, but he did not, could not, affirm come to a standstill, and is ceasing to pay, that they had cleared their soil of their enthere the public opinion of the world under- emy, and that no Union banner floated over a mines and extinguishes it. But in Cuba and Secessionist city of any importance. Indeed, the United States, where it may be highly so far was he from taking his ground upon profitable for another century at least, the the matter of fact, that hc declared “ policy of laissez faire is essentially also a pol- only fear ought to be lest the independence icy of laissez aller.

of the South should be established without Mr. Roebuck, Lord Robert Cecil, and their us; ” which is a plain and distinct admission friends, have, however, really done good ser- that the independence is a thing in posse, not vice to the cause of strict neutrality, not only in esse, and wanting foreign aid. But, to by their blunders and the reaction their speak plainly, are we to tell a lie, that is, to speeches excite, but by eliciting from the rep- declare that a thing does exist which does not resentatives of the masses protests so noble exist, lest it should be brought about without against any alliance with slavery, as those of our intervention ? Mr. W. E. Forster and Mr. Bright. These The truth is, that Mr. Roebuck's arguments protests will much more than neutralize the are for war. A recognition is no casus belli irritating effect of the comparatively insig- if the circumstances warrant it, but it would nificant Tory speeches, while the judicial and be an act of hostility if it were to accelerate eloquent speech of Mr. Gladstone will soothe the event it only pretends to declare, and so anxiety in the North as to the purpose of our to give one belligerent a moral advantage over statesmen, and prove that this hasty motion the other. Having made up his mind that is little beyond the dream of partisan imag- war with the North would be preferable to inations, disordered by the idolatry for great the continuance of the present strange neugoverning capacity, and the fever of aristo- trality, Mr. Roebuck can reason thus-patcratic scorn.

ting aside altogether the question whether or not independence has been achieved, and

making the whole question one of commercial From The Examiner, 4 July.

interest: RECOGNITION.

6. The South offers to us perfect free trade; THERE is only one ground upon which the but if we allow this contest to go on, if we recognition of the South can be demanded, cower, as we have done hitherto, before the and that is, the fact of independence. What, North, the Southerners will soon become a indeed, is a recognition but a declaration or

manufacturing population, and the boon will

be withdrawn from us.” acknowledgment of fact? No other consideration than fact should enter into the ques It is passing easy to utter brave words tion of recognition, and we think Mr. Roe- about war before it comes, and to boast that buck argued his case upon false prirciples in our navy would sweep the seas of the enemy, introducing the motives of interest, and hos- and that our Warrior would destroy all their tility to the Union. The independence of fleets; but with a thorough belief in our great the South may be conducive to our commer- maritime superiority, we have yet a misgivcial interests, and the division of the States ing that a free trade with the Confederacy to our political interests, but if so we must would be of small profit to us while fast ships, wait for these advantages till the indepen- of the Alabama class, under the Federal flag,


would be cutting off our merchantmen. And viction that the object is unattainable, it is no wise,man will count upon certain issues clear that there must be something very like of war.

When such a calamity is forced independence on the part of the resisting belupon us, we must even take it with its chances ligerent, and the point would be put beyond for better for worse, but never let us draw question if the Southern territory were comthe sword like M. Jourdain, relying upon the pletely delivered of the Northern invaders. deceitful assurance that in arms it is possible We cannot concur in Mr. Roebuck's view to manage matters so as “ à donner, et à ne of the conduct of the South before the point recevoir, et d'être assuré de son fait breach, nor do we see any feature to be adquand on se bat contre quelqu'un.” mired or approved in their cause except one,

We have before now protested against that they are contending for self-government. shrinking from the resentment of the North That is a principle we cannot dispute, but if a just course of conduct should unreason- how they will use self-government when ably excite it, but we are equally adverse to they shall have conquered it is another making a people of our own race our enemies question, an encouraging answer to which is by a line of action really proceeding upon a not obtained by reference to the uses they false pretence, and prompted by interests made of power when in the ascendency in the which should have no influence in the mat- Union. We admire their prowess and their ter. Truly remarked Mr. Gladstone upon devotion, all indeed that is brought to the this point:

front in this conflict, but there is that behind “I cannot help stating with some confi

which inspires very different feelings, and dence that if we strongly put forward the whenever this struggle, with its disparity of consideration of British interests in this mat- forces, has passed away, the sentiment of ter—if we found an argument for recognition England with regard to the parties will probof the South on the plea that British inter-ably undergo a very considerable change. ests require it, and that British greatness Our sympathies are always with the weak was threatened by the former condition of against the strong, pay more, to speak out the American Union—by that very fact, you rebellion in every part of the world except

the plain truth, we have always a leaning to stamp upon your argument for recognition, the queen's dominions ; for, not unreasonupon every expression even of a wish for peace, a certain character of hostility to our scale is without cause. During the contest our

ably, we assume that no revolt on a large brethren in the Northern States."

judgment is influenced by our sympathies, Whenever the South is recognized as a but it recovers its just tone afterwards, or mere matter of fact, the recognition will be perhaps will have some bias against the obvoid of offence to the North, as no other mo-jects of its former factitious favor. Of this tive can be fairly assigned for it than obedi- we are certain, that if the Southerns could get ence to truth, requiring an acknowledgment more than their own, more than independence, not to be disputed. But whenever the time that is, the upper hand, there would in this shall have arrived for this recognition we con- country be a complete revulsion of feeling fess our apprehension that there will be an against a triumph shared with slavery. Our extreme reluctance and backwardness as to present sympathy is purely one of circummaking it; and the strongest point in Mr. stances, and transitory, unless what stands Roebuck's speech is his question how the between us and thorough fellowship with the time is to be marked and known, by what Southerns be removed. We offer these recircumstances not now present.

marks in abatement of an exaggeration. On Whenever the pear is ripe we shall expect the other hand is the preposterous proposito hear more unworthy and unwise reasons tion that slavery should be a bar to diplofor ignoring the fact than are now urged for matic and commercial intercourse with the anticipating it.

South. And why? Was it a bar to our inThe present stage of opinion cannot be far tercourse when all the powers of the North from recognition. It is a conviction almost were lent to riveting the bondage, of the universal that the restoration of the Union blacks? Would it be a bar if the Union were is utterly impracticable, and the civilized restored, on the terms the North would gladly world will not consent to suffer by a war grant of the status quo ante bellum, if not without a feasible object, or in other words, more, to slavery? There are bounds even to a war without end. All the means and re- the hatred of slavery, and we are not to exsources of a powerful nation have been em-communicate a nation because they have the ployed in this struggle, and if, after nearly taints of a vice which was our own a few three years' duration, it is the general con- years ago.

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From The Spectator, 4 July. those passages of weighty, nervous, and pas-

sionate power, in which no speaker of any age A REPORT is in circulation that Louis Na- or country can surpass him. poleon is encouraging Spain to recognize the South, and that Spain, tempted by a South

THE Duke of Newcastle explained on Thursern guarantee for Cuba, is half inclined to accede. The step would show a decided ap- day the objects for which the rights of the preciation of the fitness of things. The only Hudson's Bay Company, extending over a State in Europe which repudiates debts, and territory 400,000 miles larger than Europe holds slaves, and breaks the anti-slave trade within the Vistula, have been transferred treaties, ought to be the first to recognize the like a private estate. The true purchasers, new power.

it appears, are persons interested in Canada,

aided for the moment by the International { When we see how the advocates of slavery Financial Society, and they will settle the have wrecked it in the United States, it would Southern portion of the territory, grant minnot be wonderful if Spain were to wreck it in ing leases, and erect a line of telegraph beCuba and the world, by listening to such coun- tween the Atlantic and Pacific, for which sel.—Living Age.

service her majesty's Government are to grant them a million acres in crown lands.

The duke seems perfectly satisfied with the The debate on Mr. Roebuck's motion for transaction, and so far there is no objection the recognition of the South brought out by to its legality, but he did not meet the true far the strongest show of anti-Southern feel- point. The Hudson's Bay Company exering, or at least of feeling hostile to the Eng- cised many sovereign powers, keeping settlers, lish advocates of the South, that has yet been for instance, out of their docainions. Have seen in the House of Commons. Mr. Roe- these been transferred? If so, then we deny buck's foolish and boastful declamation was the validity of the transaction unless comlistened to, indeed, but by a thoroughly dis- pleted under the sanction of an Act of Pargusted House, who did not care to conceal liament. Delegatus non potest delegare, and their dislike of the volunteer mission to Fon- the settler who disobeys the local laws of tainebleau, or their disgust at the odious the new company, and is punished for so dobunkum which Mr. Roebuck gravely talked. ing, may claim and obtaii damages in Eng

Why, in ten days, Sir," said the member land. The argument that as one share could for Sheffield, anticipating war with the North, be sold, so all could be sold, is a quibble so we should sweep from the sea every ship,” merely. Suppose Louis Napoleon had bought

-a sentence which, if it had proceeded from them all. The grant, too, of a million of a Yankee mouth, would have shaken the acres for a mere line of telegraph not nearly country with inextinguishable laughter. The so long as the Indian triangular line at least great speeches of the evening were Mr. Glad-sounds extravagant, and the whole matter stone's, Mr. Forster's, and Mr. Bright's. ought to be thoroughly explained by a speech The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with pol- in the interests of the empire, and not merely ished and most impartial eloquence, pointed of this or that new society. out the impropriety both of the moment and the manner proposed for the recognition of the South, but was scarcely precise and em A TELEGRAM from Alexandria announces phatic enough on the international-law ques that a revolution occurred in Madagascar on tion. Mr. Forster's speech was an exceed- 12th May. Radama Il. has been assası inated, ingly effective argument against such a step. his ministers hanged, mourning prohibited, The motion was one, he said, expressly for the European treaties suspended, and Radadrifting into war under the guidance of a for- ma's widow proclaimed sovereign, with a eign pilot, and instead of hastening even the constitution according to the view of the peace between North and South, would unite old Hova party." Decisive people these the North again as one man, as was the case Malagache, and not quite so constitutional as with the last French proposition te mediate. bulletin writers fancy, but we suppose the Finally, he denounced a war in defence of meaning of it all is that the old dominant those whose watchword is “ Slavery, Sub- tribe, the Hovas, offended with the equality ordination, Government,” as one of those secured by European influence, have re-ascrimes which the Ruler who guides the des- serted their sway. It is unfortunate for them tinies of nations would not lightly forgive. that Réunion is full of troops very hungry Mr. Bright followed in the same tone, and indeed for something to interrupt the monotconcluded a speech, which, if somewhat ony of their lives. Madagascar would give merely Unionist in sentiment, was penetrated the French a broad possession, and the unwith a genuine hate of slavery, by one of disputed command of the Cape route to India.

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