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tween the executive and the people. It is an assurance that Paris, and, therefore, by and by, France, will not bear such circulars as M. de Persigny directed against M. Thiers, will not submit to elect mere nominees, will not give up its right, if not to dictate, then to criticise, the action of ministers of state. It is a gasp for more air, the expression of a passionate wish for that régime of healthy conflict which we call constitutional life. And this is what the great cities have taken means to secure.

the minority the officials who voted under city which, like Paris, sends up at once compulsion, the old soldiers who voted be- Thiers and Jules Favre, or, like Marseilles, cause Napoleon is the heir of his uncle, the elects at once M. Marie and M. Berryer, is jobbers who thrive on corruption, the con- not thinking specially about dynasties. But, tractors enriched by improvements, the then, can the dynasty survive the system it bribed, the cowardly, and the class which has created, and the vote is most unquestionbreeds in the empire as vermin in stagnant ably directed against that? It is an anwater, unanimous Paris would seem to have nouncement that Paris, which always wishes voted against the Imperial system. So keenly to-day what France will agree to to-morrow, was this felt that the victors became calm is longing for a new system, for greater libfrom the very intensity of their sense of tri-erty to intellect, a freer play for thought, umph. "I went," writes an acute observer less restriction in action, a new relation be on the spot, through several sections at the time when the votes were being counted; there was a serenity in triumph which was quite touching. In the evening, men gave a franc for the second edition of a paper, and read aloud outside the figures of the majorities, which were really incredible in some sections; people spoke briskly, without disguise or fear. Fifteen days more, and the departments would have sent up thirty more deputies to the Opposition. Patience; he laughs well who laughs the last.” That vote was the more decisive because there was no ground for local discontent. Whatever the empire may have neglected it has pampered Paris. M. Hausmann told but the truth when he talked of the gratitude which,-supposing man lived by bread alone,-Paris would owe to the emperor who found her brick, and may one day perhaps leave her marble. All that an absolute court, aided by genius like that of Visconti, and administrative ability like that of M. Hausmann, could do to beautify and enrich and amuse the beautiful city has been done, done with a heartiness, a cordial enjoyment in the doing, most unlike the grudging spirit which so often mars official beneficence. There are hundreds of tradesmen in Paris who can trace their fortunes directly to the decrees of Louis Napoleon, thousands of workmen to whom M. Hausmann's plans have brought work and wages and security. Parisians, too, love Paris as Athenians once loved Athens, and feel a just pride in every improvement which seems to justify her claim to be called the metropolis of civilization. It is from no local annoyance, therefore, no citizen soreness at neglect, no municipal spite, that Paris has returned all the men whom the emperor's servants proclaimed the enemies of his rule. Their vote is a political manifesto, signed by all the intellect of the country, a resolution carried by the representative population of France, that they are weary of a régime of repression, of rulers who avow their belief that the Frenchman is all stomach.

It is this which makes the elections seem so formidable to the entourage of the court. The Parisian vote may not be, and, we think, is not, directed against the dynasty. The

It is not because the Opposition is twentyeight instead of five that its vote has become of importance. Twenty-eight men cannot vote the emperor out of his throne, or refuse supplies, or punish a tyrannical minister, any more than five. It is because the twentyeight are of the class who can make Parliamentary conflicts real, can, even when outvoted, exercise political power. No president can silence M. Thiers by interruptions on points of form. No minister with a voice can argue down M. Pelletan, or make M. Berryer's ringing sentences other than influential. No official, however triply cased in impudence and dotations, can be indifferent to the mots which will drop from the lips of M. Jules Simon. Even animals with six stomachs cannot drink oil of vitriol and remain alive. It does not do in France to be hopelessly outmatched in talk, yet if the Government resort to argument, there is Parliamentary life revived, and can the dynasty survive revived Parliamentary life? How is it to send expeditions to the ends of the world when its finance is proved to all men unsound, or war for ideas with M. Berryer telling the peasants that conscription eats up their sons, or send the suspect to Cayenne with M. Favre denouncing the "laws of public safety." If it be silent, and rely upon force, then all the argument will be on one side, and France is unfortunately logical, and thinks action should follow proof; if it speaks, it has entered the arena in which victory is to the wise and the eloquent, and therefore not to M. de Persigny or his. In either case, the elections have secured greater freedom and vividness to political life, and the Imperialists wisely doubt whether they

are among the plants which can survive re-flection, and there is a very visible tendency moval into fresh air. to deduce a great deal more from the result of the French elections than the facts will bear out. They are sufficiently simple. By dint of immense exertions and a momentary though imperfect union, the parties opposed to the emperor have succeeded in seating twenty-eight representatives of very varied opinions, ranging from M. Berryer, Legitimist advocate, to M. Marie, member of the Provisional Government, but all more or less opposed to the Napoleonic régime. Among these representatives are all the nine whom Paris has the right to return, and the representatives of Marseilles. The Opposition, therefore, may be said to have carried the capital and the French Liverpool, and to have quintupled their strength in the agricultural districts, but they have, nevertheless, secured only one-tenth of the representation.

The effect, too, of the Parisian vote is not restricted to Paris or the Parisian members. The declaration of the capital will embolden every form of antagonism in the provinces. Had it been known only three days before the election, twenty cities would have sent up members of the Opposition. The waverers among the members themselves feel that the Liberal may soon be also the stronger side, and every member whom the Administration may irritate sees a party to which he may transfer his services with some hope of a future reward. Frenchmen always need hope as a stimulus to energy. Eloquence, too, is not wholly lost within the Chamber itself, and inside and out the new members are men who can evoke as well as lead public opinion. On all sides the apathy which was more fatal than hostility, as a mud fort is harder to pierce than a stone bastion, is visibly giving way, the Orleanists look up with new hope, and even the Republicans begin to believe that they see the handwriting on the wall. Both may be mistaken as to the realization of their ultimate ends, for they are matched against an opponent of a rare class,-a man at once subtle and audacious, a despot who can give way, and who, so his dynasty may but endure, would accept any conceivable government France might agree to impose. There is a fund of power in reserve in the emperor's mind which his antagonists have no means of measuring, but the limits of which, are the first, if not the sole, conditions of the great game. But the realization of their immediate end, a relaxation of pressure, seems to us more than probable. They may not upset the dynasty, nor will Englishmen wish they should, but they may yet be able to offer it the alternative of reigning under conditions compatible with the orderly freedom of France, and, therefore, with the peace of the world.

From The Economist, 6 June. THE FRENCH ELECTIONS. THERE is some danger we think lest the importance of the incidents now occurring in France should be exaggerated. Any motion in a body presumed to be dead, affects the imagination with terror, and terror always magnifies facts. There is too, no doubt, in England, a secret ill will, not so much to the emperor as to the ministers whom he permits to misuse his name, and who are considered more repressive than the security of his throne requires, which predisposes men to exult in any blow inflicted on them. Neither fear nor exultation are favorable to re

It is evident, therefore, that it is not the number of the new Opposition which is supposed to be formidable. Twenty-eight votes cannot interfere with official designs any more than five, or indeed rather less, for as the number increases, so does the chance of internal differences or disputes. The five supplemented one another: the twenty-eight may, and probably will, on questions like the occupation of Rome, neutralize one another's strength. The cause of alarm must, therefore be sought either in the character and power of the new members, or in the state of opinion revealed by the mode of their election. That power is considerable, and that feeling is dangerous; but in politics there are degrees, and the degree of good or mischief to be expected is we believe, exaggerated.

It is thought that the members now elected will bring to the aid of the Opposition very formidable critical power. Some of them, like M. Thiers, are familiar with practical statesmanship,-some, like M. Berryer, capable of bursts of most moving eloquence,— some, like M. Simon, full of those "sayings" which are so terribly effective in France. How, it is said, is the empire, which above all things fears scrutiny, to bear scrutiny like this? The simple reply is that it has borne it. It is not possible for men to utter more searching or eloquent criticism than Jules Favre has done, yet his speeches were published in the Moniteur, and still the empire stands. Indeed, on certain points the Orleanist chiefs did last year speak in Parliament, for rumor belies some of the debaters on Rome if they did not read speeches prepared by M. Thiers, M. Guizot, and M. Dufaure. There is no one of the Republican members who can say things more cutting than the Marquis St. Pierres said of the law of public safety, or who will dare to treat

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minister and the prefect left the matter alone, or bowed with profound deference to the intellect of Paris, M. Devinck would not have been returned. An election thus dictated by anger may be very dangerous to the subject of anger; but then that is M. de Persigny, not the Emperor Napoleon.

foreign policy with more audacious freedom pable. It is very doubtful whether, had the than Prince Napoleon, yet laws and policy are unreversed. M. Berryer brings a higher order of eloquence, but then his influence is poisoned at the source by his connection with an impossible party. If Sir George Bowyer could speak like Gladstone he would still never influence the English middle-class mind, because people would all the while be thinking this man says these things because he is an Ultramontane." The objection does not in leed apply to M. Thiers, and that gentleman can strike one chord very near to the heart of France, her love of "grandeur and glory." He might, if he asked very often, like the Duke d'Aumale, "What have you done with France? prove very formidable; but then is M. Thiers altogether an enemy of the Bonapartes? He has passed his life in exalting Napoleon the First,-why should he give up his heart to opposition to Napoleon the Third? And if he does not give up his heart, his opposition will be timid and comparatively valueless. That debate will be a little livelier, and that a little more care must be taken in selecting talking ministers, is evident; but that seems the extent of the anticipation justified by the facts.

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But even accepting the returns as indications of the true feeling of Paris, as springing from a desire for total change and not merely for more freedom of discussion, their effect is still somewhat exaggerated. The empire does not rest upon Paris. On the contrary, the emperor has almost avowed that he reigns by the choice of the agricultural peasants and the army, and neither of these classes have deserted him. They have returned his nominees en masse. It may be said, and it is probably true, that excessive official pressure was applied by the prefects, and that the peasantry of the more secluded departments were not so much invited as driven to the polls. Nevertheless the fact remains that they did not hate the empire enough to defy the official influence, a course which, as the example of Paris shows, was, if they chose, open to them to try. The reasonable conclusion is that they are either favorable or indifferent, and in either case that which exists has the advantage of its dead weight. The tree may be rotten, but it will not fall till it is either cut or pushed.

But Paris, we are told, has pronounced against the empire. Has it, or only against Persigny? It must not be forgotten that eight out of the nine elected belong nominally or really to the Republican party, and as the bourgeoisie certainly do not desire a Republic, But Paris is France? There is at last the their vote must be considered as given to men thought which is in the minds of those who who could be relied on to oppose, and there- believe this election so important; but we fore ameliorate, the existing régime, and not do not so read history. On the contrary, we to men devoted to a particular substitute. In believe Paris to have been always so far in the single exception, M. Thiers, it is admitted advance of the provinces as to be almost in by all Parisians that the circulars of M. de antagonism to them. During the Revolution Persigny and M. Hausmann really secured Paris was constantly threatened with the his election. The former, who seems during vengeance of the departments, and the first the past year to have lost all judgment, time they were really represented, the Counopenly dictated to the electors, abused the cil of Five Hundred proposed to abolish the old régime in a style which politicians usually revolutionary authority and restore the Bouravoid, not because they are politicians, but bons. After 1848 the provinces sent up an because they are gentlemen, and so clearly Assembly utterly conservative, which passed pitted the crown against Paris that the most restrictive laws on the press, restrained the dauntless population on earth at once took liberty of meeting, undid all distinctly reup the gauntlet. M. de Persigny could have publican acts, crushed the masses of Paris made any one almost equally popular, and, under grapeshot, and but for fear of civil war as it was, half the constituency of the second would probably have restored constitutional division refused to vote at all. M. Hausmann monarchy. Napoleon in 1852 shot down Paagain pathetically appealed to Paris on the risians mercilessly, and was certainly five ground of the improvements which the em- times as much hated then as he is now, yet pire had carried out-an argument which the empire stood. He has throughout his always annoys the Parisians. They like the reign watched Paris like an enemy, covered improvements, but they never can bear to be it with fortresses called barracks, laid out told that benefits descend on them from above, streets for artillery, organized an underor to see that their rulers appeal to their in-ground railway specially intended to transterests and not their intelligence. The sentiment of honor, which is often the best thing left in France, revolts from a cynicism so pal

port troops in safety into the stronghold of the workmen's power. Paris never loved the empire, and the new manifesto adds nothing

to her strength: on the contrary, it dimin- of the press, and the ministerial responsibility ishes it, for the opportunity of constitutional of the Administration. There is also another criticism decreases the temptation to revolu- reason for the difference. In the provinces tionary plots. It is in the streets, not in the Government officials are omnipotent, and the tribune, that Republicans are dangerous. electoral districts are so formed that towns That the emperor has received a lesson by and villages can have no direct control or suwhich he may profit is certain, as is also perintendence over the general result. It the fact that the election will slightly affect was quite the reverse in Paris. There a his external prestige; but the apprehension constant watch was kept night and day over that it will produce immediate, or very strik- the ballot-boxes, and no opportunity was ing, or revolutionary results, is, we conceive, afforded to official myrmidons of qualifying to say the least, somewhat exaggerated. objectionable votes. It is, however, very significant that M. de Persigny desired that the time allowed by law before the ballotboxes can be opened should be extended for twenty-four hours.

From The Press, 6 June.

If we are to believe the prognostications of M. de Persigny, the result of the French elections must be considered a heavy blow to the imperial régime. The issue plainly put before the electors in the several arrondissements of Paris was, that if they returned the Opposition candidates they would thereby directly pronounce against the empire, and condemn by their votes the means by which the alleged prosperity of the country had been secured during the last twelve years. With one exception, the Government has been beaten by overwhelming majorities in the capital. Such is the result of the unconstitutional interference of the minister of the interior-such the significant mode in which offensive official dictation has been resented. Altogether there will be about twenty-five deputies in opposition to the Government in the new chamber, instead of five, which was the number in the old one, and among them are some of the ablest and most distinguished men in France, great writers, and what is of more importance, celebrated orators, against whom, in debate, the speaking ministers of the Government will not have the least chance of success. Nearly a fourth of the Opposition members have been returned by the electors of Paris, and many of the great towns have also declared against the Govern

ment.

These facts, which are calculated to disturb the peace of mind of the Imperial party, have taken people by surprise. It has always been said that Paris is France. Is she so still; and if this be the case, how has it happened that the elections throughout the country have terminated, with the exceptions above alluded to, in favor of the Government? We are inclined to think that the result would have been different if the elections in Paris had preceded those in the provinces, and if the people throughout the country had known how unanimous the electors of the capital are in their desire to return to the paths of Constitutional Government-to secure once more the privileges of liberty of speech and liberty

It is hardly possible to attribute too much importance to this defeat, considering that the whole power and influence of the Government were exerted to secure a victory, and that the candidates who have been elected were declared by the minister of the interior to be the most dangerous enemies of Imperialism.

From The Saturday Review, 30 May.
PRUSSIA.

THE quarrel between the King of Prussia and his subjects is now complete, and foreigners may be very well surprised both at the history and at the termination of the struggle. If the King of Prussia and his advisers really wished to build up a new policy, to overshadow Northern Germany with a despotism after the Russian pattern, and to force all opponents into silence at the point of the sword, the design would be intelligible, but nothing could be more strange than the means taken to fulfil the end. A great scheme of ambition, and a project for a bold and defiant tyranny, would be very strangely inaugurated by the little arts to which M. Von Bismark and his colleagues have had recourse. To insist on the right of abusing everybody and misstating everything in the Lower House unchecked, to retire into a lobby during the invectives of the Opposition, on the plea that quite as much reached the ear there as was worth listening to, and to claim the proud privilege of going on declaiming after the president has put on his hat, are the petty tricks by which a very small mind tries to irritate and wound, not the signs of a statesmanship that can be bold either for good or bad. On the other hand, the deputies, although the nation is incontestably with them-although they are supported by all that is respectable and liberal in the press and in public opinion and although they know that the rest of Germany and Europe is, for the most part, warmly on

dislike him personally, and would be sorry to do him any injury. And if they put up with him tolerably well, they have the strongest admiration and affection for the house to which he belongs. Prussia was invented by the Hohenzollerns. They, and they alone, created it, amplified it, and kept it alive. Nor is it only gratitude that binds the people to the throne; or, if it is gratitude, it is of the kind that expects favors to come as well as remembers favors that are past. Prussia is a great State almost by accident, without a frontier, without coherence, without any common centre of life. The Prussians feel that Prussia might fall to pieces as easily as it was bound together, if any serious derangement occurred in the working of the machinery that keeps it in order. And it is the sovereign who is the head to which all the mixed population of Prussia has become accustomed to look up. Resistance to the king, even when he violates the Constitution, may easily lead to civil war, and civil war may shake the royal family from their seat. This is not what Prussia wants.

their side, yet take these insults very patiently. They behave, indeed, exactly as they ought to do. They refuse, with great spirit, to accept the new doctrines of Parliamentary humiliation which the minister of fers to teach them; they present addresses to the king, couched in firm, moderate, and bold language, and they act well together, sinking all minor differences in the generous desire to be true to their trust and to their country. But those who are full of the memories of English political history wonder why they do not do more. Our ancestors cut off a king's head for little graver faults than William of Prussia has committed, and the crown in England has been compelled, on more than one occasion, by force, or the instant threat of force, to respect the rights of the people. English critics of Prussia, therefore, are apt to ask, with a sort of puzzled wonder and contempt, why it is that Prussians take things so quietly? Nor is this without reason. After all, personal courage is the foundation of political liberty, and England is free because a certain proportion of Englishmen for a good many centuries have A Hohenzollern must, indeed, be tyrannibeen without fear-not merely without the cal and odious before Prussians come to think fear of death, for that is a small thing, but that rather than put up with him they would without fear of incurring censure and oblo-do without Hohenzollerns altogether, and quy, and the opposition of the great and take the risk not only of that anarchy which powerful. Unless a people will resist a des- attends revolution in all countries, but of that potism, there is no security for liberty. Per- political break up which is the peculiar danhaps the Prussians are rather sluggish by ger of Prussia. Nor is it merely fear that habit, and they may not have the energy and would make Prussian Constitutionalists very spirit which give political life an easy start. reluctant to quarrel with the army. They But they themselves say, that to suppose this want, above all things, to avoid a collision a crisis for active opposition betrays a total with the army; for the army in Prussia is so misapprehension of the state of affairs. They national a force, and the soldiers belong so have, they think, everything to lose and noth- much to every class, that the ordinary Prusing to gain by a revolution, even if the revo-sian would have a feeling of personal pain if lution were successful. They deny that Eng- he had to do anything by which the lives of lish history furnishes any true parallel to the the soldiers were sacrificed. It is the very circumstances in which they now find them- complaint of the military authorities of Prusselves, and they assert that the course they sia that their men are too short a time under are taking, is the one most likely to lead to arms, and remain too much of civilians. And success. We can scarcely pretend to know if this is so, other civilians naturally wish to Prussia better than the Prussians do; and it avoid shooting, or being shot by, them. But is therefore worth while to understand what above all, it must be remembered that this they mean. They have shown great good contest is not so much a political as a social sense, and a considerable aptitude for self- one. The true issue is not whether the government, in their contest with the minis-power of the crown shall be limited, but try. They have never given an advantage to whether there shall henceforth be the strong their opponents, and never quarrelled among themselves. The probability is, that men of whom this can be said are driving towards an end which, at any rate, is not absurd or contemptible.

The Prussians do not wish to quarrel with their sovereign more than they can possibly help. They think that King William is a silly, stiff old soldier, cajoled and bullied by the people with whom he lives, but wellmeaning and honest in his way. They do not

line of demarcation which at present separates the Prussian noble from the plebeian. M. Von Bismark and his colleagues are the representatives of one of the shabbiest, meanest, most spiritless aristocracies that ever afflicted a nation. But they belong to an aristocracy which socially is very powerful, which glories in giving itself airs, which triumphs in the silliest exclusiveness, and, what is of more importance, which has now for two centuries at least been revered and

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