petted and magnified by the mass of Ger- of the greatest elements of Prussian ascendmans, although its proper eminence has been ancy in Northern Germany. Nor could his so small. The puerility of minor dandies and neighbors reckon on King William being able exquisites is exactly the quality which M. to protect them in war or to preserve peace Von Bismark and his friends display and de- for them. He can scarcely go to war withlight in displaying. General Von Roon be- out the consent of his subjects, for war costs haved, and claimed to behave unquestioned, money, and the money is not to be got at very much as the vulgar type of provincial easily. Of course all this calculation supmagnate goes on at a county ball, where snobs poses that the courts of law would do their of all sorts are to be astonished and put down. duty, and that, if a tax were illegal, judges. This does not lessen the bitterness with which would boldly pronounce that the law forbade the conduct of the Prussian ministers has its being levied. The Prussians feel sure of inspired those who have suffered under it; their judges. They think them an honorabut, as they are sensible men, they know that ble, upright, fearless set of men, and several patience is the best weapon in such a case. of the highest and most eminent Prussian They are aware that nothing brings down the judges are members of the Lower House and affectations and insolence of a sham aristocracy have taken a leading part in the opposition so much as the quick, punctual, methodical to the unconstitutional action of the minisdischarge of the duties of business. If they ters. Nor is it very likely that the judges play carefully, they are sure of the game; would go out of their way to please the for no aristocracy that has not got in it qual-court; for judges, if warped by anything, ities and a capacity of which Prussian nobles are much more likely to be influenced by the never dream can stand long against the at-general opinion of the society in which they tacks of men possessing wealth, and education, and political fame, and national esteem. And, politically as well as socially, the Prussians think themselves sure to win. They have told the king a simple truth. They have bid him understand that, unless he sends his present advisers away, the Chamber and the sovereign must remain separated. There is no other alternative. Either the king must do without a Parliament, or he must get a set of ministers who will be decently civil to the representatives of the people. The king has replied that he prefers to do without a Parliament; and so the deputies are sent away, and the Government is to see what it can do by itself. The Prussians say that they are confident the attempt must be a failure. For some time, a Prussian king can do very well without a Parliament. The ordinary revenue of the crown does not depend on a yearly vote, and the ordinary revenue is nearly enough to go on with. The army can be recruited and kept up, and officials can get their salaries, without any public grant. It is true that the ordinary revenue would not quite suffice, and that this must lead to a deficit, while no loan could be negotiated without the sanction of Parliament. No new legislation could be made on any subject, and although the necessity for new laws is not a pressing one in Prussia, yet a sovereign who is incapable of introducing any recognized change into any great department of affairs begins after a time to feel himself in a very pitiable condition. The position of Prussia, too, in Germany, would soon alter for the worse if the king stood alone. It could make no new arrangements with regard to the Zollverein, and the commercial leadership of the Zollverein is one live than by a vague wish to stand well with ministers; and the judges belong to that class of society which is fighting its battle against the old privileged order. It is true that if the king were resolved to set up a tyranny, he need care very little for law courts. He could treat judges as they are treated in France, and the Federal States, and Turkey. He could make martial law supersede every other. But this is exactly what those who have watched him most closely feel sure he will never do. He will shrink from that abyss which yawns at the feet of every government and dynasty that places itself in open opposition to law. He will stick by his aristocratical friends when they merely bully and hector in a legal and peaceable way, but he will not do anything that will make him feel that his position is entirely altered, and that he reigns altogether as a despot. Whether this is a true prophecy time alone can show, but it has no absurdity on the face of it which should make us refuse to listen to it. From The Press, 6 June. PRUSSIA has at last completely thrown off the mask. The unwisest sovereign of these times, encouraged by his ministers, who are proving themselves the greatest enemies of their country, has determined to rule henceforth without a Parliament. From its very origin the constitution was a farce. By it were granted powers which it was never intended should be fairly exercised. It was apparently thought by the king that the Chamber of Deputies would entertain so deep a reverence for his "divine" office that it would never think of seriously opposing his During the Budget dispute the expression of opinion in the newspapers of the country was unfettered. But it is useless to silence the representatives c. the people in Parliament without also silencing their supporters, who made themselves heard throughout the length and breadth of the land. Hence the decree, based on the 63d article of the Constitution, which at a stroke makes every newspaper either the slave of the ministry, or its victim. Article 63, upon which this is alleged to be founded, empowers the ministry, when the Chambers are not assembled, and under circumstances of unusual urgency, to issue decrees which shall have the force of law, provided that such are "not in opposition to the Constitution." The devil can quote scripture to suit his own purposes; but not more cleverly can the King of Jesuits plead his cause from Holy Writ than the King of Prussia and his ministers when taking the Constitution for their text. Upon the authority of the article alluded to they have issued a decree which empowers the administrative authorities to prohibit, temporarily or altogether, after two warnings, the publication of newspapers whose attitude is, on the whole, dangerous to the public welfare." The ministry is also empowered " to forbid the introduction of foreign newspapers into Prussia, on similar grounds, when thought advisable." In short, the press is at the mercy of the Government, which is determined henceforth to rule with despotic power. But what utter absurdity it is to think of ruling such an intelligent people as the Prussians upon principles which would disgrace a barbaric age. It is useless to prevent the expression of opinion. The people will in consequence give a hundred-fold worse character to the Government than any writer would ever think of attributing to it. The unwise men who are thus seeking to coerce a whole people may as well endeavor to prevent them from thinking wishes. So long as the decrees of the Gov- | power. This is the necessary consequence ernment were obediently registered by the of ruling without a Parliament. Chamber all went on swimmingly. But a Constitutional Government is not to be carried on in such a milk-and-water fashion. If the deputies had the right of approving what was brought before them, they thought it only a necessary and natural consequence that they might also disapprove, and give free expression to their views, showing the grounds upon which they differed in opinion from the Administration. This, however, did not suit the ministers nor their kingly master. It was absurd to think, according to their view of the case, that a Budget, for example, should be modified to please the Chamber of Deputies. It is true the Constitution required that the Lower Chamber should approve of the Budget before taxes were collected under its authority-but such opposition was never apparently contemplated, and when it arose the Chamber was treated as a nullity, and the consent of the Upper House was deemed sufficient. Several other collisions occurred, and last of all took place the personal dispute regarding the privilege of the ministers to insult the Lower Chamber, and to occupy in it a position above its control. This, if anything, showed a much greater contempt for the representatives of the people than the previous difference regarding the Budget. The result is that the Chamber has been dismissed, without apparently the least intention of reassembling it for the discharge of its duties, or of dissolving it and electing another in its stead. It is felt to be useless to try the temper of the people any longer. If a dissolution took place, the same deputies, or others pledged to support their policy, would infalliby be returned. So the king is determined to rule without a Parliament, and to enforce measures which are known to be directly against the wishes and feelings of the nation. This is a dangerous game to play. To levy taxes without authority is an assumption of power which, after their recent or to shut out the light of the sun-as atconstitutional experience, the Prussians may tempt to suppress public opinion in so enthink it worth their while to oppose by pas- lightened a nation. The age is too advanced sive if not active resistance. A legion of for such measures. We confidently believe German Hampdens may be forthcoming to that the Prussians will emerge from the diffitest the prerogative of the monarch in the culties by which they are surrounded withcourts of law. But the Prussian Govern-out giving their enemies the opportunity ment has determined to go any length in support of its unwise and arbitrary proceedings. It has now gagged the press. In the name of the Constitution, which was framed to preserve and promote the liberties of the people, it has done its utmost to instal despotic which they desire of overwhelming them. Passive resistance can conquer armed force. And such, we trust, will be the opinion of the friends of Constitutional Government in Prussia. Too cheaply truths, once purchased dear, Too long the world has smiled to hear To see us stir the martyr fires And wrap our satisfied desires But now the cross our worthies bore Profession's quiet sleep is o'er, The cry of innocent blood at last An answer in the whirlwind blast, From Heaven's dark frown The land is red with judgments. Who Have we been faithful as we knew, To Heaven and Earth? The levelled gun, the battle brand We may not take; But, calmly loyal, we can stand, Why ask for ease where all is pain? Be left to add our gain to gain, To suffer well is well to serve ; The rigid lines of law shall curve And light is mingled with the gloom, Divinest compensations come, Through thorns of judgment mercies bloom In sweet relief. Thanks for our privilege to bless By word and deed, The widow in her keen distress, For fields of duty opening wide, Ours by traditions dear and old Our wards to cherish and uphold, And we may tread the sick-bed floors And, down the groaning corridors, Who murmurs that in these dark days God's hand within the shadow lays Turn and o'erturn, O outstretched Hand! The years have never dropped their sand As ours to-day. Already, on the sable ground Is freedom's glorious picture found, Oh, small shall seem all sacrifice When God shall wipe the weeping eyes, The crown for cross. WHEN THOU SLEEPEST. BY CHARLOTTE BRONTE. WHEN thou sleepest, lulled in night, Float a moment mid that ray, Touch some answering mental string, Wake a note and pass away? When thou watchest, as the hours, Mute and blind, are speeding on, O'er that rayless path, where lowers Muffled midnight, black and lone; Comes there nothing hovering near, Thought or half reality, Whispering marvels in thine ear, Every word a mystery, Chanting low an ancient lay, Every plaintive note a spell, Clearing memory's clouds away, Showing scenes thy heart loves well? Songs forgot, in childhood sung, Airs in youth beloved and known, Whispered by that airy tongue, Once again are made thine own. Be it dream in haunted sleep, Be it thought in vigil lone, Drink'st thou not a rapture deep From the feeling, 'tis thine own? All thine own; thou need'st not tell What bright form thy slumber blest; All thine own; remember well Night and shade were round thy rest. Nothing looked upon thy bed Save the lonely watchlight's gleam; Not a whisper, not a tread Scared thy spirit's glorious dream. Sometimes, when the midnight gale, Breathed a moan and then was still, Seemed the spell of thought to fail, Checked by one ecstatic thrill; Felt as all external things, Robed in moonlight, smote thine eye; Then thy spirit's waiting wings Quivered, trembled, spread to fly; Then th' aspirer, wildly swelling, Looked where, mid transcendency, Star to star was mutely telling Heaven's resolve and fate's decree. Oh, it longed for holier fire Than this spark in earthly shrine; Oh, it soared, and higher, higher, Sought to reach a home divine! Hopeless quest! soon weak and weary Flagged the pinion, drooped the plume, And again in sadness dreary Came the baffled wanderer home. And again it turned for soothing POETRY.-The Itinerant's Wife, 50. Ballad on a Bishop, 65. Shakspeare on Copperheads, 65. The Nile Song, 77. Spring at the Capital, 96. "Out in the Cold," 96. SHORT ARTICLES.-Source of the Nile, 77. The Many Mansions in the House of the Father, 92. Sorry that we cannot go so far out of our line as to copy from the Knickerbocker for July the leading article, from which our correspondent has derived so much advantage. We have read it with interest. It is on the Movement Cure; the curative effects of special bodily exercise. It is, we see, by our friend Mr. Henry C. Williston, one of whose California articles was copied into The Living Age from an English Magazine. Mr. W. when we saw him last, ten or fifteen years ago, was in full health and vigor; but we can hardly entirely regret a change which has given occasion for so much fortitude and perseverance. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY LITTELL, SON & CO., BOSTON For Six Dollars a year, in advance, remitted directly to the Publishers, the LIVING AGE will be punctually forwarded free of postage. 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