which the rebellion of their owner compelled | dent belief that he has for some time had a to be leveled, to be used in our fortifications, secret understanding with the rebels at Richor to permit a range for our cannon. They mond, by which the cession of Texas to the fell like slavery, to rise no more. A distant generation might gradually train up their successors, but this generation is not likely to be called upon to restore either tree or institution.-Boston Journal, 1 Sept. DESIGNS OF NAPOLEON III. emperor was to be received as an equivalent for recognition and substantial aid to the "Confederacy." While it may be doubtful whether the Emperor of the French would enter into any "secret understanding" with a so-called government not yet certain of establishing itself, and which had neither the right nor the power to cede Texas or any other State, it is by no means improbable purpose of acquiring Texas, by some means, as a cotton growing country; and that the steps he has taken in Mexico were but preparatory to the fact of such acquisition, the manner thereof to be regulated by the relative positions of the rebels and the Government of the United States. A further probability is that the crumbling down of the confederacy will partially defeat the scheme of the calculating "nephew of his uncle,” inasmuch as it will cut off all hope of negotiating for Texas, either with that State itself, as an independent sovereignty, or with any other power than the United States as having jurisdiction in the premises. Had the "Confederacy " established its sovereignity. the right of a State to separate itself from the others would have been established also, and it would have been easy for the emperor to intrigue for the secession of Texas from the confederacy, to recognize her sovereignty, and to take her under the protection of Mexico. A very pretty game has been spoiled by the victories at Vicksburg, Port Hudson, Gettysburg, and Charleston. Ir is not probable that the Government that Louis Napoleon secretly entertained the will at any early day proclaim to the country what policy it intends to pursue with respect to the occupation of Mexico by the army of France and the overthrow of its republican form of government by the same instrumentality. Our domestic affairs are in that condition that the extremest caution and reticence become the duty of the Administration where a question of such gravity and magnitude is involved. If the truth of half the evil machinations and flagitious schemes attributed to Louis Napoleon be conceded, the relations of France and the United States are far from promising permanent friendship or peace between the two countries. Nay, if the sinister motives and purposes of which the emperor is so generally suspected have real existence, this country must either submit to dishonor or resort to war. Even supposing that the unprincipled ambition which is known to govern that potentate stops at the point it has reached, it is no light thing that a European despot strikes down our sister republic and enthrones a monarchy upon our very threshold, accompanied by the declaration that his object in doing so is to arrest the progress of this republic, and shut it out from all acquisitions on this continent, south of its present boundaries, whether those acquisitions shall be by peace or by war. He may seize by force, we may not obtain by purchase, territory on our own continent. This is a strange and defiant kind of logic which the American people will find it hard work to be quiescent under. The questions remain: Will Louis Napoleon now push forward his original scheme and annex Texas to Mexico, even while it is still claimed as a State of the Union? Or will he announce that his whole purpose is accomplished, and leave the emperor Maximilian to his fate? We incline to believe that he will adopt the latter course. If the reports we have from Europe are truc, the Austrian Archduke himself would rather It is morally certain that had the "South- await further developments of Louis Napoern Confederacy" maintained for a little leon's policy than immediately assume the while longer a fair show of power to acquire honor that has been thrust upon him. It is its independence, that would have had an im- announced that he has expressed his determiportant bearing upon Louis Napoleon's policy nation, while accepting the proffered crown, in connection with his occupancy of Mexico. to wait twelve months before entering upon A New York contemporary expresses a confi- his sovereignty. The throneless princes of coated ships cannot be seriously injured by any sea-service gun we have yet made. The great Armstrong's 110-pounders would hop off the side of our Warrior, and our old 68 pounder smooth-bore could only at a very short range demage the Warrior by concus Europe do not generally postpone honors of that kind. To prevent the Emperor of the French adopting the former alternative, it behooves our Government to maintain a firm and determined attitude and to give his Imperial Highness timely and explicit notice that any intermeddling with Texas, designed sion. Our ordnance slow coạch has only to draw her from under the flag of the Union, will be the occasion of a war that will know no cessation until Mexico is wrested from his grasp, and proud France humbled in the sight of the world.-Philadelphia Press, 31 Aug. OUR DEFICIENCY OF ARMAMENT. SIR,-It is some years since you favored me by inserting certain cautionary remarks, which it occurred to me might not be without interest to the thoughtful portion of your readers. The remarks I have made have not been in a carping spirit, but, as far as my judgment has led me, have been founded on matter of fact. The result has never failed to prove this. I have had no prejudice to contend with, because I have been entirely unacquainted personally with those whose public acts I may have had to review. In my last letter I called your attention to the unfortunate truism, that as a nation we are inferior in armament to any nation in Europe. We believe as a matter of tradition that Britannia rules the waves, we do not know by what means that desirable end is accomplished; but if our tutelar goddess be supposed to rule the waves by dint of gunpowder and cannon-balls, we can only say that the waves must be very old fashioned and highly traditionary waves to yield to her divinity any power of the sort, seeing that Britannia's work-shops have been taxed in vain to place her on an equality with the nations of Europe and even America. The French, according to the United Service Gazette, state that they have a gun to pierce any armor-clad ship at one thousand yards. Admiral Dahlgren, of the United States service, considers that the rifled heavy ordnance which bears his name can make short work of an armor-plated ship. We know that our armor travelled one stage, and there it sticks in the mud. The discovery has been made that the amount of velccity of a shot entirely depends on the amount of powder used in the charge which propels it. Can Armstrong find a seaservice gun of the present weight to bear an extreme charge of powder? He has not as yet done it. Can Whitworth? He has gone much nearer to it than Armstrong. Can Blakely? He says he can, but it appears that he is not permitted to try, although other nations use his great guns with success. There are many other gun-founders who consider that a sea-service gun, not heavier than a 68-pounder, can be constructed to pierce the iron plates placed on the sides of our armorclad ships. This means, and it means nothing else than constructing a gun of our seaservice weight, capable of exploding a charge of powder sufficient to carry a ball through the strongest sides of ships yet made. 1 cannot find that Dahlgren's guns have yet been tried in England. Is not the experiment worth making? Armstrong, our sage philosophers assure us, is building a very heavy gun of great calibre. That can be done, the Americans have done it, and are using such guns at the siege of Charleston. When all other nations have made these great guns, we shall try Armstrong's wonders against Whitworth's prodigies, whilst all Europe is on the titter at us. But all this time the Warrior and Achilles are defensive, not offensive, men-of-war; they can take but they cannot give, and if we went to war to-morrow, no man of common sense can pretend to have that confidence in the success of our navy which should be fixed in the mind of every Englishman. We may despise American Buncombe, don't let us imitate their odious foible, but learn to respect the truth, however unpleasant to our selflove. CAVETO. -Examiner, 15 Aug. |