second Juvenal, with the date of 1501. Now, considering that the Manutii and their impressions have been the subjects of at least a dozen works, and that one of them-the Annales de l'Imprimerie des Alde of Renouard-is the acknowledged authority on the subject, and the model for all books of the kind, it might be expected that before making a communication respecting an Aldine edition a writer would refer to Renouard, and would also look carefully into the book itself to see if there were any, and if any, what, indications of the date of publication. The Philostratus and Juvenal are well known, and will be found described in Renouard as well as in other bibliographical works. To be complete (which it rarely is), the Philostratus should have the following contents: A titlepage containing the large anchor and dolphin and the words ALDUS. MA. RO., as usually to be found in the later folios of the elder Aldus; 126 pp. containing the Greek text of the life of Apollonius and the tract of Eusebius against Hierocles, ending with "Venetiis apud Aldum Mense Martio M.DI." Then, after a blank folio, comes a long Latin preface by Aldus addressed to Zenobio Acciolo, dated "Mense Maio M.DIIII."; then, after six more preliminary folios, the Latin translation of the two works, and on the recto of the last folio, "Venetiis in Edibus Aldi Mense februario M.D.II." This is followed by one more folio, the recto of which is blank, but with the anchor and dolphin on the verso as on the title-page. Now, at first sight the three dates are a little puzzling, but if any one will take the trouble to read the first few lines of the preface of Aldus, the matter is satisfactorily cleared up. He tells us that when he first undertook the impression he believed the work to be one of much greater merit than on printing he found it to be, and so laid it aside for some time, but at length determined to publish it with Zenobio's translation of the tract of Eusebius and that of Rinuccino of the life of Apollonius. The book was, in fact, completed and published between May, 1504, the date of the preface, and July 17 of the same year, for on that day Aldus wrote a letter to Isabella d'Este, Marchioness of Mantua, sending her the volume together with the poems of Gregory Nazianzen (the date of which is "Mense Junio MDIIII.") as two books which he had just published. This letter was discovered by M. Armand Baschet in the archives of Mantua, and printed by him in 1867 in his most interesting privately printed monograph, Aldo Manuzio, Lettres et Documents, 1495-1515. It is not probable that the title-page (on which is the anchor), which enumerates the whole of the contents, Latin as well as Greek, of the volume, was printed until after the date of the preface, namely, in 1504certainly not before February, 1503, the date of the completion of the printing of the Latin translation of Eusebius.

As to the second Juvenal, with the date 1501, the statement at the end that it is printed "in ædibus Aldi et Andrea Soceri" shows that 1508 is the earliest date that can be attributed to the book, and that the words "Mense Augusti M.DI." are simply copied by mistake from the edition printed in that year.

In the first edition of his Annales, published in 1803, Renouard did not express any opinion as to the earliest volume in which the anchor appeared, but in his second edition (1825) he suggested for the first time that the Dante with the date August, 1502, was the earliest : "C'est avec cette édition qu'Alde a commencé l'usage de sa marque typographique, l'ancre Aldine, qu'il a su rendre si célèbre" (vol. i. p. 81). And again, vol. iii. p. 97: "Il n'en fit cependant usage (de l'ancre) que quelques années après, en août 1502, sur le Dante in-8°, dont plusieurs exemplaires n'ont point d'ancre, ce qui prouve qu'elle a été ajoutée pendant le tirage, et établit d'une manière positive le temps où elle a été employée pour la première fois." And both these remarks stand without any qualification in the third edition, and form the authority on which the Dante has been since held to be the earliest volume bearing the anchor. But I venture to think this is not so, and that there is strong probability that the Sedulius of 1502 (forming the second volume of the series known as the Poetae Christiani Veteres) is earlier in date than the Dante and is the first on which the anchor appears. This rare volume contains two dates. On the recto of the last folio of hh, just before the life of St. Martin, is "Venetiis apud Aldum, M.D. I. Mense Januario." On the verso of the title-page is a short preface of Aldus, dated "Mense Junii M.D.II." Now, having regard to the fact that Aldus and his editors invariably dated their prefaces immediately before the appearance of the book, this date is, if not conclusive, yet very strong evidence that the Sedulius appeared before the Dante of August, 1502. And Renouard himself seems to have really admitted this, for though in the two passages above cited he makes no reference to the Sedulius, yet when describing that volume he says, "Dans le Sedulius, sur le dernier feuillet des préliminaires, on voit l'ancre Aldine, dont l'emploi commence à ce volume et au Dante de 1502."

But the mark in the Sedulius presents one peculiarity which I have not noticed in any other volume. It is not, as erroneously stated by Didot in his Alde Manuce (p. 210), that the anchor is larger than that which appears in the Dante, the Sophocles, the Statius, and the Herodotus of 1502, and in the subsequent small editions given by Aldus. An exact measurement shows the form and dimensions of the anchor and dolphin of the Sedulius to be precisely the same in every respect as those of the other volumes engraved by Renouard

and numbered 1 in his book, so that, except for the peculiarity I am about to notice, they would seem to be struck from the same block. But against this is the fact that in the Sedulius the mark is in a border of double lines which certainly seems to be part of the same woodcut, though it is possible that the border was added afterwards. This border, which is in the two copies of Sedulius which I possess, does not reappear in any subsequent volume, though in all the volumes with the date 1502 which contain the anchor (except, perhaps, the Dante, of which I cannot speak, the page in my own copy which should contain it being missing) there are dots in the position in which the border appears in the Sedulius.

The large anchor in a border of double lines first appears in the Philostratus of 1501-1504, and in the Lucian of 1503, which certainly preceded by some months the Ammonius Hermeus of the same year, since, though both have the date of June, 1503, the preface of the Ammonius is dated November of that year.

The mark, a dolphin twisted round an anchor, is said to be found on coins of Augustus and Domitian. It appears on a denarius of Vespasian, a specimen of which, as Erasmus tells us in his Adages (f. 112, edit. of 1508), was sent by Bembo when a young man to Aldus. But Erasmus does not say-as has been repeated by many writers, on the authority, it would seem, of L. Dolce-that Bembo suggested the mark and the motto "Festina lente" to Aldus, though the great printer certainly contemplated using them some years before the mark actually appeared upon a printed volume. In his preface to Linacre's translation of the Sphera of Proclus (printed with other treatises in 1499, in the volume known as the Astronomi Veteres), Aldus writes: "Sum ipse mihi optimus testis, me semper habere comites, ut oportere aiunt, Delphinum et Anchoram. Nam et dedimus multa cunctando et damus assidue." Erasmus (loc. cit.) has a long dissertation on the mark and motto, explaining that both have the same meaning, the anchor being the emblem of the firmness and solidity which slow and careful work alone produces, and the dolphin of that perpetual and rapid labour which is no less necessary for the accomplishment of great undertakings. "Ces deux emblèmes," writes M. Didot, "expriment avec justesse que, pour travailler solidement, il faut un labeur sans relâche accompagné d'une lente réflexion" (Alde Manuce et Hellenisme à Venice, p. 211).

The mark itself, as it appears in the volumes of Aldus, is clearly taken from one of the engravings (on the recto of d 7) of the Hypnerotomachia of 1499, where it is figured as an illustration to the following passage: "Dal altra parte tale elegante sculptura mirai. Uno circulo. Un' ancora sopra

Hill

root of the Inula helenium preserved and candied, ELECAMPANE (6th S. ix. 48). This was the and was more an agreeable medicine than a pleasant comfit. In old books on pharmacy it is to be met with on the same page as angelica and ginger. much esteemed in Germany, being "warm, opening, Quincy (Dispensatory, 1724) says that the root is and detersive, and preferr'd to ginger." (History of the Materia Medica, 1751) states that the Germans have a method of candying elecampane root like ginger, to which they prefer it, and call it German spice." The Lady's Companion, 1753, ii. 347, gives instructions how to preserve the roots in sugar and then candy them in boiling syrup. As a conserve it was by no means nice, and as a medicine not of much value; but it had a respectable old reputation, and long continued to be made and sold, often with no elecampane root in its composition. I had some of this description given me at Poole about 1836 as a sovereign specific for a cold by a good old lady. I think she called it elecampane; certainly there was more virtue in the name than in the compound.

Sutton, Surrey.

EDWARD SOLLY.

Any of the old herbalists may be consulted respecting this production. Culpepper, of course, supplies us with full directions as to the preparation of the sweetmeat. In the Pharmacographia, P. 340, we read: "It is frequently mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon writings on medicine current in England prior to the Norman conquest, and was generally well known during the Middle Ages. Not only was its root much employed as a medicine, but it was also candied and eaten as a sweetmeat." Gerarde tells us (Ger. Emac., p. 794)," The roots are to be gathered in the end of September, and kept for sundrie vses, but it is especially preserved by those that make Succade [=sucket, vide Halliwell; in Northants still called sucker; cf. "porket" and "porker "] and such like."

HILDERIC FRiend.

In the Encyclopaedic Dictionary two other forms of this word are given, viz., "allicampane" and "alecampane," and they are stated to be corrupted from the Lat. Inula campana, the old name of the plant. According to Sir Joseph Hooker, the plant

was formerly cultivated by cottagers as an aromatic and tonic, and the root-stock is still candied."

name.

Borande and Cox's Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art says that " a coarse candy, composed of little else than coloured sugar," is sold under this G. F. R. B. Gerarde gives many names for elecampane, and describes it as a cure for many diseases, and says Inula helenium, its Latin name, comes from Helen, wife of Menelaus, whose hands were full of it when Paris stole her away into Phrygia. Sowerby's English Botany says "It was esteemed as a cordial by the monkish herbalists, who celebrated its virtues in the line

'Enula campana reddit præcordia sana.'” The name elecampane is a corruption of the first I. C. G.

two of these words.

In my younger days in London the sweetmeat of this name was a flat candy, something like hardbake, marked into squares, and made either white or pink. It was simply sugar with rather a sickly tasting condiment, most likely from the plant, as horehound candy is still sold in poor neighbourhoods. J. Č. J. The origin and meaning of this word are given in Flückyer and Hanbury's Pharmacographia, London, Macmillan & Co., 1879, Radix enula, Radix helenii elecampane, a corruption of Enula campana, the latter word referring to the growth of the plant in Campania (Italy). Its use both as a medicine and a condiment was well known in the Middle Ages. Vegetius Renatus, about the beginning of the fifth century, calls it Inula campana, and St. Isidore, in the seventh, names it Inula, adding, "quam alam rustici vocant." J. B. Inula helenium; this root contains a white starchy powder, named "Inuline," a volatile oil, a soft resin, and a bitter extract; it is used in disease of the chest and lungs, and furnishes the "Vin d'Aulnée" of the French. This rare and handsome British wild flower grows freely (together with the angelica) about here. It is from the root of the former that the sweetmeat was made so much in request in old days. It is the stalks of the latter that are preserved.

ORIENTAL SEAL (6th S. viii. 480).—This is far from a full explanation, and I doubt whether it be altogether correct. The date is decidedly not 1171, but 1181, which corresponds with A.D. 1767, 19-20 May. Again, if an Englishman's name be intended, it is Pearson or Pierson, and not Parson or Parsons. Under the date appears sanat" or year, and beneath is engraved, "Pir i pur-nayak." This last word may be the diminutive of nay, a small pen or reed, and the whole might imply either a professor of calligraphy or a skilled musician on the reed. Pir may signify a title of honour, as seigneur or señor, &c.; and pur or par i nik a proper name, or it may represent a title of sanctity of the founder of a sect called Par i nīk. of the oval are four points, which may be considered I may as well add that on the right and left sides as ornamental or the filling up the vacuum. In November, on being asked for an explanation of the inscription, I refrained from offering these conjectures, and suggested a reference to your Indian contributor, CoL. W. F. PRIDEAUX, of Calcutta, in the hope he might enlighten your readers. WILLIAM PLATT.

Callis Court, St. Peter's, Thanet.

HERALDIC (6th S. viii. 494).- Probably the arms of Dr. Samuel Horsley, successively Bishop of St. David's (1788-93), of Rochester (1793-1802), in his Blazon of Episcopacy, p. 11, gives for this and of St. Asaph (1802-6). Mr. Bedford, indeed, prelate, on the authority of his book-plate, Gu., three horses' heads couped arg., bridled sa. Mr. Papworth assigns him, Gu., three horses' heads couped ar., bridled or; but he also gives the coat as blazoned by MR. WELLS, with heads erased and bridles sa., to the family of Horsley, co. York.

ACHE.

Horsley, of Fearnwoode, "beares gules, three horse heads erased argent." A. STROTHER.

According to Papworth's Ordinary, the arms on the cup and saucer might be Horsley, co. York. Samuel Horsley, Bishop of Rochester, by the same authority, had horses' heads couped and bridled or. J. W. CLAY.

been hoping for a reply to the interesting query by FUSIL; but owing to the little passage of arms between him and P. P. there seems a chance of the question being shelved.

VERTI.

The spelling in Virg., Æn., xii. 87, and in Hor., A. P., 203, is orichalcum. R. S. CHARNOCK.

HAVE (6th S. viii. 493).-"I am having my house painted" is not causative. Have, amongst its many meanings and shades of meaning, signifies to be in a state or condition. So it means "I am in a state in which my house is being painted." It seems to be causative in this sentence solely because a man's house will seldom undergo painting without the master's orders. You might say, "He is having his portrait painted at the king's command." The king is the cause; the man is only in act of being painted. "I shall have it removed" is causative, and equivalent to "I shall order it to be removed." "I am to have it painted" is "I am about to get it painted "-to so arrange that it will be painted; so in some sense this is causative. "I stood lost, astonished, dumb, dumbfoundered," or what not, is elliptical for "I stood as one that is lost." To stand in this sense, like the Latin stare, signifies a state or condition of existence: "I was as one that is lost."

"That could not make him that did the service perfect, as pertaining to the conscience, which stood only in meats and drinks" (Heb. ix. 10). Virgil, in describing the eyes of Charon, says 66 Stant lumina flammâ," and Dante, Con occhi di bragia," which is really "His eyes were fire or of live coal." It is no matter of the causative or non

causative. Grammar is nothing here; it is only a

question of clear statement that is wanted.

Haverstock Hill, N.W.

C. A. WARD.

Compare St. Luke xiv. 18, 19, ëxe μè Taτημένον, "have me excused," which I once heard explained as not simply 66 cause me to be excused," but "have me-hold me still-as a friend, yet being the while excused" from the supper.

W. C. B. HERALDIC SHIELD VERSUS HERALDIC LOZENGE (6th S. vii. 187, 418, 475, 496; viii. 399). I have

shield instead of upon the feminine lozenge. But can instances be adduced in support of such a practice in addition to the case mentioned by FUSIL? Again, if we may suppose that such a crested and shielded Amazon had obtained the right to supporters, and had married a commoner, how would her armorial bearings and those of her husband have been marshalled? Could MR. WOOD

WARD, MR. CARMICHAEL, or others equally competent, solve the problems proposed by FUSIL? ROSEMARY.

PARALLEL PASSAGES (6th S. viii. 465).—As I am somewhat interested in the exquisite little snatch of popular song introduced by Molière into his Misanthrope, and beginning with "Si le roi m'avait donné," I shall be glad to know on what authority it is attributed to "a poet of the fifteenth century." My researches have not led me to that conclusion. The learned editors of Molière's works (v. 555), in Les Grands Ecrivains de la France, give a résumé of the theories to which the famous stanza has given rise. M. J. de Pétigny conjectures that it can have been composed by no other than Antoine de Bourbon, King of Navarre and father of Henry IV. The supporters of this theory, to make things square, conclude that "le roi Henri" is not Henri IV., but Henri II. M. Paul de Musset, again, in his biography of his brother Alfred, finds in it an imitation of a satirical song by Ronsard, the only part of which that has survived is the refrain,—

"La bonne aventure au gué,

La bonne aventure."

The stanza in question appears first in the Misanthrope. It has never yet been found in any old it; and if he had, neither he nor Antoine de collection. Nobody supposes that Molière wrote century. Indeed, there is internal evidence in Bourbon nor Ronsard belongs to the fifteenth the song itself to show that that date is not correct. There was no King Henry in France in the fifteenth century, and the old chansonnier, whoever he was, supposing him to have lived at the close of that century, must have gone back more than four hundred years to find his "roi Henri," which he is not likely to have done.

Jedburgh.

A. C. MOUNSEY.

MR. EDGCUMBE might also have quoted Victor Hugo's snatch of song in Les Misérables, which is