and that all privilege claimed or exercifed in exclufion of them, being wholly artificial, and for fo much, a derogation from the natural equality of mankind at large, ought to be fome way or other exercised ultimately for their benefit..

If this is true with regard to every species of political dominion, and every defcription of commercial privilege, none of which can be original felf-derived rights, or grants for the mere private benefit of the holders, then fuch rights, or privileges, or whatever elfe you choose to call them, are all in the ftricteft fense a trust; and it is of the very effence of every trust to be rendered accountable; and even totally to ceafe, when it substantially varies from the purposes for which alone it could have a lawful existence.

This I conceive, Sir, to be true of trufts of power vested in the highest hands, and of fuch as feem to hold of no human creature. But about the application of this principle to fubordinate derivative trufts, I do not fee how a controverfy can be maintained. To whom then would I make the Eaft India company accountable? Why, to parliament to be fure;: to parliament, from whom their truft was derived; to parliament, which alone is capable of comprehending the magnitude of its object, and its abuse; and alone capable of an effectual legislative remedy. The very charter, which is held out to exclude parliament from correcting malverfation with regard to the high truft vested in the company, is the very thing which at once gives a title and imposes a duty on us to interfere with effect, wherever power and authority originating from ourselves are perverted from their purposes, and become inftruments of wrong and violence.

If parliament, Sir, had nothing to do with this charter, we might have fome fort of Epicurean excufe to stand aloof, indifferent spectators of what paffes in the company's name in India and in London. But if we are the very cause of

the

the evil, we are in a special manner engaged to the redress; and for us paffively to bear with oppreffions committed under the fanction of our own authority, is in truth and reason for this house to be an active accomplice in the abuse.

That the power notoriously, grofsly, abused has been bought from us is very certain. But this circumstance, which is urged against the bill, becomes an additional motive for our interference; leaft we should be thought to have fold the blood of millions of men, for the base confideration of money. We fold, I admit, all that we had to fell; that is, our authority, not our controul. We had not a right to make a market of our duties.

I ground myself therefore on this principle-that if the abuse is proved, the contract is broken; and we re-enter into all our rights; that is, into the exercise of all our duties. Our own authority is indeed as much a truft originally, as the company's authority is a truft derivatively; and it is the use we make of the refumed power that must justify or condemn us in the refumption of it. When we have perfected the plan laid before us by the right honourable mover, the world will then fee what it is we destroy, and what it is we create. By that test we stand or fall; and by that test I trust that it will be found in the iffue, that we are going to fuperfede a charter abufed to the full extent of all the powers which it could abuse, and exercised in the plenitude of defpotifm, tyranny, and corruption; and that, in one and the fame plan, we provide a real chartered security for the rights of men cruelly violated under that charter.

This bill, and thofe connected with it, are intended to form the magna charta of Hindoftan. Whatever the treaty of Westphalia is to the liberty of the princes and free cities of the empire, and to the three religions there profeffed

Whatever

Whatever the great charter, the ftatute of tallage, the petition of right, and the declaration of right, are to Great Britain, these bills are to the people of India. Of this benefit, I am certain, their condition is capable; and when I know that they are capable of more, my vote fhall most affuredly be for our giving to the full extent of their capacity of receiving; and no charter of dominion shall stand as a bar in my way to their charter of fafety and protection.

The strong admiffion I have made of the company's rights (I am conscious of it) binds me to do a great deal. I do not prefume to condemn those who argue a priori, against the propriety of leaving fuch extensive political powers in the hands of a company of merchants. I know much is, and much more may be said against such a system. But, with my particular ideas and fentiments, I cannot go that way to work. I feel an infuperable reluctance in giving my hand to destroy any eftablished inftitution of government, upon a theory, however plaufible it may be. My experience in life teaches me nothing clear upon the fubject. I have known merchants with the fentiments and the abilities of great statesmen; and I have seen persons in the rank of statesmen, with the conceptions and character of pedlars. Indeed, my obfervation has furnished me with nothing that is to be found in any habits of life or education, which tends wholly to difqualify men for the functions of government, but that, by which the power of exercising those functions is very frequently obtained, I mean, a spirit and habits of low cabal and intrigue; which I have never,. in one instance, seen united with a capacity for found and manly policy.

To justify us in taking the administration of their affairs out of the hands of the East India company, on my principles, I must see several conditions. Ift. The object affected

*

by

by the abuse should be great and important. 2d. The abuse affecting this great object ought to be a great abuse. 3d. It ought to be habitual, and not accidental. 4th. It ought to be utterly incurable in the body as it now ftands constituted. All this ought to be made as vifible to me as the light of the fun, before I fhould strike off an atom of their charter. A right honourable gentleman * has faid, and said I think but once, and that very flightly (whatever his original demand for a plan might seem to require) that "there are abuses in the "company's government." If that were all, the fcheme of the mover of this bill, the scheme of his learned friend, and his own scheme of reformation (if he has any) are all equally needlefs. There are, and muft be, abufes in all governments. It amounts to no more than a nugatory propofition. But before I confider of what nature these abuses are, of which the gentleman speaks fo very lightly, permit me to recall to your recollection the map of the country which this abused chartered right affects. This I fhall do, that you may judge whether in that map I can discover any thing like the first of my conditions; that is, Whether the object affected by the abuse of the East India company's power be of importance fufficient to justify the measure and means of reform applied to it in this bill.

With very few, and thofe inconfiderable intervals, the British dominion, either in the company's name, or in the names of princes abfolutely dependent upon the company, extends from the mountains that feparate India from Tartary, to cape Comorin, that is, one-and-twenty degrees of latitude!

In the northern parts it is a folid mass of land, about eight hundred miles in length, and four or five hundred broad. As you go fouthward, it becomes narrower for a

* Mr. Pitt.

fpace.

fpace. It afterwards dilates; but narrower or broader, you poffefs the whole eastern and north-eastern coaft of that vast country, quite from the borders of Pegu.-Bengal, Bahar, and Oriffa, with Benares (now unfortunately in our immediate poffeffion) meafure 161,978 fquare English miles; a territory confiderably larger than the whole kingdom of France. Oude, with its dependent provinces, is 53,286 fquare miles, not a great deal less than England. The Carnatic, with Tanjour and the Circars, is 65,948 fquare miles, very confiderably larger than England; and the whole of the company's dominions, comprehending Bombay and Salfette, amounts to 281,412 fquare miles; which forms a territory larger than any European dominion, Ruffia and Turkey excepted. Through all that vaft extent of country there is not a man who eats a mouthful of rice but by permiffion of the East India company.

So far with regard to the extent. The population of this great empire is not eafy to be calculated. When the countries, of which it is compofed, came into our poffeffion, they were all eminently peopled, and eminently productive; though at that time confiderably declined from their antient profperity. But fince they are come into our hands ! —-—— ! However if we take the period of our eftimate immediately before the utter defolation of the Carnatic, and if we allow for the havoc which our government had even then made in these regions, we cannot, in my opinion, rate the population at much less than thirty millions of fouls; more than four times the number of perfons in the island of Great Britain.

My next enquiry to that of the number, is the quality and description of the inhabitants. This multitude of men does not consist of an abject and barbarous populace; much lefs of gangs of favages, like the Guaranies and Chiquitos, who VOL. II. X X

wander