THE

MONTHLY REVIEW,

For JUNE, 1795.

ART. I. Memoirs of the Reign of George III. to the Seffion of Parliament ending A. D. 1793. By W. Belham. 8vo. 4 Vols. 11. Boards. Robinfons. 1795.

'o write memoirs of the prefent eventful fcene, before it is closed, must be acknowleged to be an undertaking of no fmall difficulty-an enterprize which requires no inconfiderable portion of courage. When Mr. Belfham intimated, at the close of his memoirs of the reign of George I. and II. (fee Rev. N. S. vol. xiii. p. 143,) that at fome future time, if in future time the truth could be fafely fpoken, he might resume the fubject, we had little expectation of being fo foon called to the pleafing task of attending this judicious memorialist through his review of a period fo highly interefting to every Briton. We are happy to find that a writer of Mr. Belfham's principles, which are evidently thofe of genuine whiggifm, or pure conftitutional freedom, feels fufficient confidence in the antient British fpirit to venture on an unreferved examination of the wisdom of measures, and of the merit of characters, while the former yet remain unfinished, and while many of the latter are continuing to act their parts, whether honourable or difgraceful, on the political theatre. Such a work, received, as we think it will, and as we are certain it ought to be, not only without official cenfure but with ftrong marks of public approbation, may contribute to banish the apprehenfions which have lately been entertained for the fafety of that grand palladium of British liberty, THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS.

If Mr. Belfham's Memoirs be not, according to the critical definition of the term, a hiftory; they are, however, much more than a mere journal or register of facts. As far as refpects domeftic affairs, they are a comprehenfive and masterly retrofpect of the political system which has been purfued through the period in queftion, with fuch an exhibition of the confequences of these measures, as may enable the reader to form a tolerably correct judgment concerning their wisdom. In taking this VOL. XVII.

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furvey, the author chiefly attends to the parliamentary tranfac tions of the prefent reign; and he at once enlivens his narrative,, and fupports his ftrictures, by interefting extracts from the fpeeches of members of parliament. The leading character of the work is that of a parliamentary hiftory: but, befides this, the author introduces a variety of domestic occurrences, which, being fresh in the recollection of most of his readers, will on that account be particularly interefting. He likewife takes a general review of the great events and tranfactions in the remote part of the British empire, and in foreign nations, which, during the last thirty years, have furnished fuch important materials for the records of history.

To detail the contents of thefe volumes is wholly unneceffary. The reader, without being particularly informed, wilk of courfe expect that the rife, progrefs, and termination of the American war form the principal figure in this hiftorical piece; that the memorable ftruggle between Mr. Wilkes and the parliament; the unfuccefsful efforts which have repeatedly been made by the clergy for the abolition of fubfcription to the thirty-nine articles, by the diffenters for the repeal of the teft and corporation acts, and by the friends of humanity for the abolition of the flave trade;-with other objects which have fucceffively interested the public; have, in their proper place, their due fhare of notice in thefe memoirs. Nor will it be fuppofed that the important tranfactions in the East Indies have been overlooked; nor that the author, though profeffedly occupied in English hiftory, would be wholly filent on an event fo ftupendous as that of the French revolution.Inftead of an outline of thefe memoirs, (a tafk which would be attended with the greater difficulty, as the author of the work has not contrived either to divide it into chapters, or to furnish his readers with a table of contents, or alphabetical index; an omiffion which we fcrioufly confider as material injuftice to the purchaser,) we fhall prefent our readers with a few extracts, which, after the diftinct notice that we have taken of the author's former publications, will leave them at no loss to estimate the value of this work.

Perhaps no fubject has ever more generally agitated the public mind, than the important queftion concerning the right of taxing America. Mr. B. gives the following account of the ftate of this difpute in the year 1765:

The indulgence of the Minifter in deferring the impofition of the ftamp duties till the prefent year, had not produced any advances towards an accommodation. The difference of principle occafioned by the agitation of this new and dangerous queftion, was in fact far too great to admit of any amicable compromile. Numerous petitions or

memorials

memorials were tranfmitted from the different colonies, none of them expref-ly admitting, but the majority on the contrary pofitively denying, the right of the British Legislature to impofe any tax for the purpofe of railing a Colonial revenue, at the difpofal of the British Parliament, and payable into the British Exchequer.

On the part of the Colonifts it was urged, that the claim of England was not only abfolutely novel, but diametrically oppofite to the fpirit and letter of the English conftitution, which has established as a fundamental axiom-that taxation is infeparably attached to reprefentation that as the Colonies were not, and from local and political obftacles could not, be reprefented in the British Parliament, it would be of the very effence of tyranny to attempt to exercise an authority over them, which from its very nature muft lead to grofs and inevitable abufe. For when Great Britain was in full poffeffion of the power now contended for, could it poffibly be imagined, when a fum of money for the fupply of the exigencies of Government was wanting, that the British Parliament would not rather choose to vote, that it should be paid by the Colonifts, than by themfelves and their confituents?

In reply to the argument which flated as highly reasonable that America fhould contribute her proportion to the general expences of the empire, it was faid, "that America had never been deficient in contributing, at the conftitutional requifition of the Crown, in her own Affemblies, to the utmost of her ability, towards the expences of the wars in which conjointly with England he had been involved→ that, in the course of the last memorable conteft, large fums had been repeatedly voted by Parliament, as an indemnification to the Colonies for exertions which were allowed to be difproportionate to their means and refources that the proper compenfation to Britain for the expence of rearing and protecting her Colonies was the monopoly of their trade, the abfolute direction and regulation of which was univerfally acknowledged to be inherent in the British Legiflature." It was however clearly intimated, that a fpecific fum in lieu of all other

In the month of February 1756, the fum of 115,000l. was voted by Parliament, as a free gift and reward to the Colonies of New England, New York, and Jerfey, for their paft fervices; and as an encouragement to continue to exert themfelves with vigor, May 1757, 50,000l. was in like manner voted to the Carolinas; and in 1758, 41,000l. to the Maffachusetts and Connecticut. April 1759, 200,000l. was voted as a compenfation to the respective Colonies in North America-March 1760, 200,000l.-1761, 200,ocol. -1762, 133,000l.-1763, 133,000l. in all, one million feventy-two thoufand pounds. Exclufive, however, of thefe indemnifications, and of the extraordinary fupplies granted in the different Colonial Affemblies, a debt of above two millions and a half had been incurred by America during the war; and this debt was far from being as yet liquidated. But it might be inferred from the conduct of the prefent Ministry, that the most trivial revenue extorted from America was deemed preferable to the largeft fums freely and voluntarily granted.'

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claims might be obtained from the Colonies, if accepted as a volun tary offering, not as a revenue extorted by a tyrannical and lawless. force, which left them no merit in giving, and which might ultimately leave them nothing to give.

The argument or pretext which appeared to excite moft indignation in the breaft of the Americans and of their advocates, was that which affected to deem them already reprefented; and as being, if not actually, yet virtually included in the general fyftem of reprefentation, in the fame manner as that very large proportion of the inhabitants of the British ifland who have no votes in the election of members or representatives in the British Parliament. The very effence of reprefentation," faid America, "confifts in this-that the reprefentative is himself placed in a fituation analogous to thofe whom he reprefents, fo that he fhall be himself bound by the laws which he is entrusted to enact, and liable to the taxes which he is authorised to impofe. This is precifely the cafe with regard to the national reprefentation of Britain. Those who do, and those who do not elect, together with the elected body themfelves, are, in refpect of this grand and indifpenfable requifite, upon a perfect equality-that the laws made and the taxes impofed extend alike to all. Where then in this cafe is the danger of oppreffion, or where the inducement to opprefs? But in the cafe of American taxation, thefe mock reprefentatives actually relieve themselves in the very fame proportion that they burden thofe whom they falfely and ridiculously pretend to reprefent. Where then in this cafe is the fecurity against oppreflion ? or where is the man fo weak and prejudiced as not to fee the irrefiftible tendency of this fyftem to oppreflion, however honeft and upright candor would reprefent the intentions of thofe by whom it fhould be originally eftablished ?"

It is painful to reflect how little influence thefe clear and irrefra gable reafonings had in an Affembly fo intelligent and dignified as that of the Parliament of Great Britain. Jealous in the highest degree, in common with all other bodies of men in whom power is vefted, of the flighteft violation of their authority, they unanimously. concurred, however divided in other points, in not fuffering the memorials which queftioned their jurifdiction to be read in the Houfe of Commons. The Minifter indeed propofed, that the Colonial Agents might be indulged in being heard at the bar of the Houfe by counfel, contrary to the ufual parliamentary practice, against the tax, in behalf of their refpective colonies; but this was refufed as derogatory to the honour of the colonies, who would not on this occafion petition, but proteft: and the STAMP ACT, after pafling through the ufual forms, and confiding in the fupport of great and decifive majorities, received at length the royal affent.

General

The oppofition to this famous act, though weak in respect to numbers, was nevertheless unusually ardent and animated. Conway, with the magnanimous firmnefs of an ABDIEL, fingly protefted against the right; and Colonel Barré, a fpeaker of great eminence in the Houfe, in reply to the reflections of Mr. Charles Townthend on the pretended ingratitude of the Americans, whom he ftyled "children planted by our care, and nourished by our indulgence,"

broke

broke out into a moft eloquent and indignant exclamation" They planted by your care!" faid he, "NO-your oppreffions planted them in America-they fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhofpitable wildernefs, expofed to all the hardships to which human nature is liable. They nourished by your indulgence! -No; they grew by your neglect of them: your care of them was difplayed, as foon as you began to care about them, in fending perfons to rule them who were the deputies of deputies of Minifters-men whofe behaviour on many occafions has caufed the blood of thofe fons of liberty to recoil within them-men who have been promoted to the highest feats of justice in that country, in order to escape being brought to the bar of a court of juflice in their own. I have been converfant with the Americans, and I know them to be loyal indeed; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they fhould be violated: and let my prediction of this day be remembered, that the fame spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first, will accompany them ftill." The Houfe fat a while apparently hefitating and amazed, but the event fhewed how tranfient was the impreffion.'

Having, in the text, mentioned a fcarcity of corn which happened in the year 1765, the author enters more fully into the general fubject of the price of provifion, in a note which we fhall transcribe:

A fucceffion of wet and unfavorable feafons may fufficiently account for the extraordinary fcarcity which prevailed at this particular period; but the grand and interefling problem yet remains to be folved; WHEREFORE is it, that the means of fubfiftence have been for thirty years pat lefs eafily attainable by the bulk of the people than at any former æra? - that while on the one hand our ears are foothed and delighted with thofe annual parliamentary prolufions, in which the profperity of the nation is defcribed in the most brilliant and glowing colours of eloquence, on the other our eyes are grieved and hocked at the difplay of wretchednefs and mifery which the habitations of the poor every where exhibit? Whence is it that the poor's rates are fo alarmingly increafed, that the workhoufes of the kingdom are crowded, and the villages deferted?-that the labourer is bereft of the comforts which once made his cottage the abode of contentment; his family pining under the accumulated evils of cold, nakecnefs, and hunger? That this is an ideal picture, thofe who move in the gay and fplendid circles of fashion would no doubt willingly affect to believe, but the evidence of facts is too ftrong to be refifted or weakened by a pompous parade of words; and, where fuch a state of things exifts, to talk of the profperity of the country is a grofs abufe of language. Effects fo fatal must no doubt originate in fomething radically wrong in the general fyftem. Two caufes obviously prefent themselves as jointly and powerfully co-operating to their production: 1. The enormous increafe of the national debt, which is in fact only a taxation of the poor householder for the benefit of the rich flockholder; and, 2. The vast and prodigious fortunes amafsed by individuals, particularly by the oppreffors and plunderers of the Eaft,

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