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and defence are in the affections of the people. A wife ftatefman would never hint to a body of men, more numerous than their mafters, that they are to remain eternally in a state of fubjugation. The idea of fuch an entail of fubjection, as reafon or justice was not likely ever to dock, might drive men to defpair, and tempt them to renew their appeal to Heaven, in the hope of finding it more propitious at one period than another-the confequences might draw tears from the patriot and the philanthropist. Let a government be founded in juftice, and it will be the intereft of every citizen to fupport it: but, before it trufts folely to the fword, it ought to confider that what is won by the fword may alfo be loft by it. Away then with all thofe wretched fyftems which, fetting juftice, right, and the affections of the governed at defiance, aim at maintaining themfelves folely by force. Unfortunately for Lord Mountmorres s plan, and happily for the peace and felicity of the empire, the adminiftration of Ireland, if we may believe reports, means to give up what his Lordship calls a conftitutional palladium,' by throwing open the doors of both houses of parliament to catholics as well as proteftants, and by founding a new government in the hearts of the whole of the people of Ireland. This is the way to gain new friends to the conftitution, and to prevent combinations against the established church of that country; by the pulling down of which, though in cafe of fuccefs they might leffen in fome degree the public expence, they could not gain one additional conftitutional advantage. Lord M. feems to forget, in his zeal for the prefent church establishment of Ireland, an argument which he urged very strongly against thofe who were for withholding from the catholics the elective franchise, left they should thereby acquire an influence over the reprefentatives of the people: thofe who argue thus, (fays he,) feem to forget that there is a negative upon every parliamentary propofition in the crown and the house of lords.' The fame obfervation would apply, if the 300 members of the Irish houfe of commons were catholics; the lords, who at prefent are almoft all proteftants, (and none can be raised to the peerage but by favour of the crown, which it may be prefumed will not create a catholic majority of peers,) would ftill have a negative on bills paffed by the commons injurious to the establishment; and that negative would be farther firengthened by the negative of the crown. We therefore are of opinion that Lord Mountmorres would be obliged, on his own grounds, to vote for the admiffion of catholics into both houses.

Speaking of the act of parliament by which they were deprived of the right of voting at elections, he fays, it was ra

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dically wrong;' and what he urges, (p. 26) in fupport of this affertion, appears to us to be unanswerable: - it was (he justly obferves,) the abridgment by a delegated of a creative right; it was the abridgment of franchife by thofe whofe credentials or inftructions did not warrant fuch an exercife of power.' We would wish to know whether the inftructions warranted the ftretch of power exercifed by the reprefentatives, when they difqualified their principals from fitting in parliament. The franchife of fitting and that of voting for thofe who do fit there are one and the fame in the eye of the conftitution, which confiders the freeholder who has fent his deputy to the house of commons, as having virtually if not actually voted for every bill paffed during the term of fuch deputy's exercife of delegated authority. The only difference, that we can discover, between the reprefentative and the reprefented, arifes merely from the regulation which makes it neceffary that the former should be poffeffed of a greater property, than that which conftitutes the pecuniary qualification of the latter:-but regulation does not deftroy the effence of the thing regulated.

We should be led too far, were we to make all the remarks that occur to us on this fubject; we fhall therefore dismiss it in the confident hope that the noble Lord, on reviewing the matter, and confidering it rather as a conftitutionalift and a philofopher than a mere religionist, will himself be of opinion that the judgment of eternal exclufion from parliament, which he pronounces against the catholics, ought to be reversed.

We will now take notice of fomething faid by the noble author refpecting the affairs of France. Speaking of the right by which one country attempts to interfere in the internal concerns of another, Lord M. does not appear to us to be very confiftent, any more than he is in his opinions refpecting the prefent war. In fome inftances he denies, in others he admits, the right of interference; in fome paffages he condemns the war as unprincipled, while in others he bestows on it the highest eulogiums. With refpect to interference, he thus delivers his fentiments:

While nations are unanimous in the choice of this or that fyftem of government, neighbouring kingdoms have no right to interfere; for this reafon the conduct of the Northern Defpot, relative to the late Conftitution of Poland, excited the juft indignation of Europe, justly engaged the friendship of all lovers of rational freedom, and the liberal patronage of Britons.

But where parties prevail, where countries are torn and divided by contending factions, where one of them claims the protection of neighbouring States-in this cafe, foreigners have interfered, poffibly with fome femblance of right; and if their defigns are guided by libe rality, and their councils with wifdom, they may ultimately be the REV. MAY, 1795.

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greatest benefactors, by the restoration of order, of temperate government, and national freedom.

Thus, in the memorable period, from 1619 to 1648, of the thirty years war which defolated Germany, antecedent to the famous pacification of Weftphalia, both in hoftilities and negociation, every power in Europe interfered, fave only Ruffia, who had not at that time entered into the European fyftem.'

The principles on which his Lordship reasons in these paffages are very indefinite; or rather they amount to a nullity; for, if the right of interference fhall be excluded only by the unanimity of another nation's choice of a particular form of government, it can scarcely ever be excluded, as unanimity on fuch a subject is not to be expected; and, if, when a nation is divided into parties, an application from one of them to a neighbouring state gives to that ftate a right to interfere, a pretext for interference can never be wanting. On this ground, the famous decree of the convention, which fo juftly alarmed this country, might be faid to be defenfible.

Without faying that the members of the prefent confederacy against France engaged in the war in confequence of an application from any party in that country, the author highly applauds the league itself, even though it fhould profefs that its object was to give a government to the French. He tells us that it was by a faction withing to form a new conftitution on the model of that of the United States of North America, that royalty was abolifhed; and then he thus proceeds to beftow praises on the combined powers for their interference :

. With the existence of regal or aristocratical principles, this fyftem is abfolutely incompatible; hence the defire of the faction, to annihilate the veftiges of a monarchy, and the traces and remnants of nobility; who would never fuffer fuch a commonwealth, and could not bear to vegetate under fuch a government.

To a great part of the French community this fyftem is highly revolting; and its establishment, according to their principles, would be as unjust as a decree enjoining the Gentoos, whofe religion forbids them, like the ancient Pythagoreans, the ufe of animal food, to live upon flesh. If therefore the efforts of the Allied Powers fhall be directed to the establishment of a rational and practicable fyftem, maintaining a reasonable fubordination, a juft gradation, where ancient rights and ufages fhall be regarded, while the privileges of the democracy fhall be preferved: if this fhould be their defign; if this principle fhould pervade their operations-mankind fhall approve their generous efforts, and Europe fhail applaud a league conducted by fuch noble and generous intentions.'

Thefe praises, however, are only conditional; for, should it appear that conqueft is the real object of the allies, Lord M. retracts them, and ventures to prophecy that, inftead of fupporting, they will deftroy the caufe of crowns and princes. This prophecy, 8 which

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which the rulers of the nations engaged in the war ought to have conftantly before their eyes, is delivered in forcible language:

But if partitioning treaties fhould be in contemplation-if the revival of obfolete claims--if the abrogation of ancient conventions and folemn treaties-if the ufual policy of availing themselves of their neighbour's diftrefs- if thefe defigns fhould pervade their combination-it is not difficult to foretell that the mighty efforts of the Allied Powers will only ferve to raise a fplendid Maufoleum for regal power in Europe.'

After Lord M. had called the fupporters of the revolutionary government of France a faction, and bestowed fo much praise on the continental powers now at war with it, provided their object were folely to pull that faction down and give to the French people a rational fyftem of government, we did not expect that he would have advised England to obferve a neutra lity on precifely thofe very grounds on which the other allies ought to have done the fame; and, if they ought to have stood neuter, they ought to be blamed for drawing the fword. The noble Lord fhould have recollected the advice given by Horace, Qualis ab incepto procefferit, et fibi conftet.

By a fingular kind of forgetfulness, the author represents the fupporters of the republic in France fometimes as the whole, fometimes as a part of the nation. We have already quoted a paffage in which the abolition not only of monarchy, which was effected by the convention, but also of nobility, which was brought about by the conftituent affembly, were ftigmatized as the works of a faction. His Lordship may perhaps think that we give him hard measure, when we reprefent him as calling thofe who effected the abolition of nobility a faction, his words being, hence the defire of the faction to annihilate the vestiges of a monarchy, and the traces and remnants of nobility. Nothing was left of nobility by the conftituent affembly but the individuals who had been deprived of it, and the recollection of their titles, which exifted in their own and other people's minds, or which might be kept alive by books and parchments. If our author meant, by the traces and remnants, these books and parchments, and alfo the nobles themselves, that were given up to the flames or the guillotine, we still should not have wronged him; for the perfons who deftroyed the records of the titles, and the title bearers, were the very fame who were to oppofe the progrefs of the allies to Paris; and they could not, with any degree of confiftency, be at the fame time both a faction and twenty-fix millions of people; that is to fay, the whole French nation.

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We will make another obfervation or two on the fubject of the noble author's confiftency. There are paffages, as we have already obferved, in which he condemns the interference of one nation in the internal concerns of another: but, forgetting this circumftance, Lord M. preffes fuch an interference duty, and cenfures the neglect of it as a crime. Let our readers hear him fpeak on this fubject:

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It was certainly a great overfight in the maritime powers to fuffer the Imperial Jofeph to diimantle the fortreffes of Flanders in 1785, thus to deftroy the fruits of the Duke of Marlborough's victories, purchafed by the blood and treasure of our ancestors: but if Auftria wishes to re-establish a barrier for the Netherlands, the fole plea which now exifts for the continuance of a land war, either she is able to conquer the ftrong pofts with her own and the force of her new ally on the French frontiers, or, if not, it would be cheaper and more expedient to re-fortify thofe towns which were difmantled by the late Emperor, when he projected the exchange of Flanders for Bavaria.

I repeat it, and it was an obfervation made in 1785, that it was a negligence which nothing but ignorance of antecedent circumstances could juftify, to fuffer the guarantee of the maritime powers to be fuperfeded, and the terms of the Barrier treaty to be done away by the late Emperor: but that lapfe in our forefight, that grand mistake in our political conduct, is now without a remedy, and that retrofpect is idle which creates only useless regret.'

After having contended that England ought to observe a neutrality; after having ftated the injuftice as well as the folly of attempting to dragoon twenty-fix millions of people; after having argued to fhew that one nation had no right to interfere in the concerns of another; Lord M. turns fhort round, pronounces a panegyric on the powers confederated against France, and applauds the humanity which induced them to draw the fword to purge the earth of monsters. His language on this topic is certainly energetic:

On general grounds, however, without adverting to particular interefts, every friend to humanity muft wish well to the combination against France, if it should be conducted with wifdom and juftice, Affuredly the fun never fhone upon a nobler caufe; it is not the caufe of a day, of a year, or of any given period; the most remote pofterity will be affected by the iffue of this conteft, and blefs the reftorers of order and good government in Europe. It is too true, however, that the operations of the Allied Powers may be checked, from thofe principles of difunion which always predominate in great and numerous affociations: that their labours will be Herculean, may well be fuppofed; but then, like Hercules, they will confecrate in the true records of fame, their generous exertions, in purging the earth from a generation of monfters.'

Laftly; though, in one place, Lord M. folemnly protested against partition treaties, and the revival of obfolete claims, as

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