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The author finally declares him felf decidedly for monarchy, and pronounces it to be, when moderated by a fenate, the most perfect form of human government.

arguments in fupport of this affertion.

We need not detail his

The character of General Dumouriez, as an author, is already well known; we therefore need fay little more than that this publication would evince that, while he can write like a fcholar, he can think like a ftatefinan; and we mean not to impute it to him as a fault that, though profcribed by his country, he appears still to love her with fincerity, and to confider those as his enemies who are hoftile to her; for which purpose he would be glad to clip the wings of her rivals, particularly thofe of England, from whom France has moft to fear. It is with this view that he would perfuade his countrymen to abandon the idea of invading Great Britain, for the purpofe of attacking her in India, (where he thinks her moft vulnerable,) with the united forces of France and Holland.

The tranflation is faithful and praifeworthy, though we fee a few marks of hafte and inaccuracy.

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ART. XII. Annuaire du Republicain, &c. i. e. The Republican's Calendar, or Phyfico-economical Legend; with an Explanation of the 372 Names given to the Months and Days, &c. &c. By ELEUTHEROPHILUS MILLIN, Profeffor of Natural History. 12mo. PP. 450. Paris. London, De Boffe.

Price 4s.

WHETHER the new divifion of the year, which makes part of the multifarious and radical change in the order of things introduced by the French revolution, will prove durable, is far beyond our reach of divination. In the mean time, while it continues, we fee the propriety of explaining its principles to thofe who are to make use of it, and of taking the opportunity which it affords of inculcating various and useful knowlege. Our readers cannot but know that, instead of the faints' names which diftinguished every day of the Romish calendar, and which make fo great a figure in ours, each day is marked out by the name of fome animal, plant, mineral, or inftrument of hufbandry, bearing fome relation to the feafon; and that the months themfelves bear names adapted to the circumftances of the climate in France. The author before us goes through the whole calendar in order, making it a fort of lecture on natural hiftory and economics; beginning with the name of each month and an explanation of the circumstance whence it is derived, and proceeding to the articles which give denomination to the days. By thefe means he has compofed an entertaining and inftructive volume, which feems to

be

be compiled from the beft authorities in natural history and rural economy. Its principal defect is, that the nature of the work will not admit of fyftematic arrangement, or a complete view of the objects with which it is converfant; their number and order being neceflarily limited by the calendar. We find, however, that he has ingenioufly contrived to give as much of general knowlege and claffification as the plan would poffibly admit.

The report from the committee of public inftruction, containing the principles of the new calendar, drawn up by Fabre d'Eglantine, is prefixed,

ART. XIII. Lettres d'Emmanuel Haller, &c. 8vo. pp. 48. Imported by De Boffe, London. Price 15.

1794.

HESE letters contain the defence of a French contractor for TH provifions furnished to the armies of the republic at Nice, against a charge of malverfation. It is drawn up in a manner more warm and declamatory than is proper in a question of fact but, not having the documents of accufation, we feel wholly incompetent to form any found opinion of the merits of the cafe.

ART. XIV. Plan de Pacification; c. i. e. A Plan of Pacification on this Bafis: the political Boundaries of States fhall be conformable to their natural Limits. By the Abbé P. de M——, of St. Dizier, in the Department de la haute Marne. 8vo. pp. 74Hamburgh, 1795. De Boffe, London. Price 1s. 6d.

THIS

HIS diplomatic fpeculation is entertaining enough: it has been afcribed without foundation to the Abbé Sieyes: but as, even in its infinuations the moft apparently equitable and difinterested, it ftudioufly keeps in view every imaginable intereft of France and its allies, it is very probably a production of fome one of those who are now employed by the republic in negotiating a peace. The author affumes the pofition as felf-evident, that the permanence of the enfuing pacification depends on affigning natural boundaries to the territory of the great potentates, and on making their frontier to confift of formidable rivers, highlands, lakes, deferts, and feas. He then propofes to new-model Europe thus:

Spain and Portugal to agree that, whenever the male line. fhall become extinct in either royal family, the furviving branch inherits both crowns. The old Pyrenean boundary to remain inviolate.

France to be feparated from Italy by the ridge of Alps: that is, to add Avignon and Savoy to its former territory.

From

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From Geneva to Bafil, the old frontier; and from Bafil to the fea, the Rhine to be the boundary.

Holland to be left in quiet poffeffion of the Delta of the Rhine.

The king of Pruffia to accept the crown of Poland, and to govern along the Baltic coaft as far as the river Niemen, but to be willing to accommodate Ruffia and Auftria with any fuitable provinces in the fouth-east.

The emperor to be compenfated for the lofs of Flanders, in Silefia, or Poland; to exchange part of Tirol with the Venctians for Iftria and Dalmatia; and to be allowed to fecularize Salzburg on the death of the incumbent, and fome other ecclefiaftical domains.

The feveral members of the Germanic body, fuch as the bishops of Cologne, Mayence, Treves, Spires, and Worms, who lofe ground by this arrangement, to have the liberty of building, on the eaftern bank of the Rhine, towns having the names and privileges of their former fees; and to be penfioned for life by France.

Sweden to obtain fomething in Lapland and Finland, we fuppofe, for ceding Pomerania to Pruffia.

Great Britain is thus difpatched: p. 51. • Paffons enfin les mers, & arrivons aux Anglais. Ces rois de l'océan font terribles à l'abordage: peut-etre trouveront-ils qu'on a terminé bien vite les conteftations fans les faire intervenir. Pourquoi font-ils feparés du refle de l'Europe? Ne ferait-ce pas une preuve qu'ils ne devraient pas fe méler autant de ce qui s'y page."'

To this plan of pacification, the great objection feems to be that no boundaries are natural, except thofe where the preffure an both fides is equal; and that, if the territory of France, instead of jutting against that of Pruffia or Auftria, which can oppose an adequate refiftance to her encroachments, is every where made contiguous to the poffeffions of the minor princes, it will have a tendency continually to extend, until it fhall abut on the frontier of fome of the great potentates. It is, then, the intereft of Great-Britain that Pruffia and Auftria, inftead of compenfating their lofles in the eaft, fhould compenfate them in the weft of Europe; that, by exchanging Corfica for Piedmont, and giving this laft to the emperor, he fhould be made the neighbour of France in the fouth; and that, by adding to the territories of the king of Pruffia near the mouth of the Rhine, this monarch fhould be invited to approximate to France and become to in the north.-Thus, perhaps, pillars may be fet to the progress of the French Hercules.

ART.

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ART. XV. Hiftoire fecrette de Coblence, &c. i. e. The fecret Hiftory of Coblentz in the French Revolution, taken from the diplomatique Cabinet of the Elector, and from that of the Princes, Brothers to Louis XVI. 8vo. pp. 238. London (a feint). 1795.

T

HIS work has been fent into the world without the name of the author, the printer, or the publisher, but it evidently contains fome truths, mixed with many affertions which are as evidently falfe, and with statements which, refting on no other authority than that of an anonymous writer, are entitled to little credit: they appear to have been made with a view to blacken the reputation of Monf. de Calonne, and of the king's brothers, particularly the Comte d'Artois. When charges of a heavy nature are brought against any individual, by an accufer who, coupling his name with them, takes on himself the refponfibility of the accufation, and confequently expofes himself to infamy if he cannot make it good, it would be a violation of justice, even in that cafe, to pronounce the accufed guilty, before the guilt was established by proof: but how much greater the violation of juftice, were we to condemn the accufed on the unfupported charge of an accufer who conceals his name l

The work before us is divided into eleven chapters. The first points out the caufes of revolutions in nations; and the author's theory on this head appears to be strictly true. The body politic and the body natural, he fays, are fo far alike that the one is fubject to infirmities, diforders, and decay, as well as the other the principle of the process of cure is nearly the fame in both. The phyfician ftudies the conftitution of his patient, endeavours to find out the fource of the disorder, and then prescribes the remedies proper for removing it. So it must be with the legiflator; he must strive to discover the cause of the evils that afflict the state, and then adopt effectual meafures for removing them. If, (fays he,) the phyficians of royalty in Europe (viz, the ministers) had nothing more at heart than feriously to labour for its prefervation, they would, when called to confult about the means of faving monarchy in France, have honestly confeffed that the reign of arbitrary power, which is decidedly unjuft and tyrannical, was at once the cause and the feat of the diforder; and that the restoration of the empire of the law was the only falutary remedy which could be applied to it, if they wished to prevent the revolutionary disease from degenerating into an epidemy fatal to royalty.' The old French monarchy, he fays, was, in its principle, founded on a good conftitution, under which the fafety of the people was fo effectually fecured, that the king could not make a law, nor impose a single tax, without the unimous concurrence of the three orders of the kingdom affembled, as ftates general:

but

but at length, in fome moment of profperity, or of an enthu fiaftic love of the people for their king, minifters availed themfelves of the popular delirium, laid the conftitution asleep, and affumed to themfelves the exercife of all the powers that beJonged to the ftates. For the purpofe of preferving these powers fo ulurped, they began to confider how to manage the nobles, who were deemed a natural barrier between the throne and the people, and the conftitutional defenders of both. They divided the nobles into the nobility of the court, who poffeffed all the offices and honours of the ftate, and the nobility that refided chiefly in the country or filled the fubaltern ftations in the army: the former anfwered for the fubmiffion of the latter; and both ultimately concurred in maintaining the illegal and arbitrary power of the crown. The author then proceeds to defcribe the degeneracy of morals in the country, and the vices and diffolutenets that fprang up in the court as in a hot bed, and fifled the feeds of virtue. He gives an anecdote equally honourable to the two perfons mentioned in it, but at the fame time defcriptive of the unprincipled profligacy of the court, Malefherbe, a minifter of Louis XVI. the fame (we believe) who afterward had the courage to appear as counsel for his unfortunate fovereign, and was confequently guillotined, finding himfelf conftantly oppofed by a cabal of courtiers in all his plans for the public good, at laft waited on the king and refigned his office: Louis, anxious to retain him in his fervice, preffed him to ftate the motive of his refignation; he replied-" Sire, I refign because I find that, thwarted and oppofed as I am by the courtiers in every attempt which I make to discharge my duty, it is impoffible for me to do any good here." His majesty anfwered" If being thwarted in the adoption or execution of plans for the public good be a fufficient caufe for refignation, I myfelf as well as you ought to go out of office."

The fecond chapter treats of the fpeculations of the different cabinets of Europe on the French revolution, but contains nothing very interefting. The hiftorian admits that the conftitution of 1789 had pared to closely the prerogatives of the crown: but ftill, he fays, it was a point gained by the royalists that monarchy was preferved in any fhape. The memorable 10th of August 1792, however, completely overturned it in France; and, he fays, gave monarchy in general fuch a blow as will infallibly terminate its exiftence in Europe in less than half a century, fhould France know how to make a proper use of her refources and fituation; if princes and kings do not flacken a little the reins of their over-ftrained pretenfions; if minifters do not renounce the luft of defpotifm, which they have fo long cherished; and if royalty do not agree throughout

Europe

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