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that, by attacking the Dutch territory, or even making themfelves mafters of it, they have furnished England with the double opportunity of covering herfelf with honour by defending it fincerely though unfuccefsfully, and enriching herfelf much more effectually by the lawful right which they have given her provifionally to turn the channel of the trade of Holland, which the French could not fecure to themselves by the temporary plunder that they made under the name of requifitions.' He admits that the war has been attended with miffortunes to England; and that no one can be so impious as to fay that peace is not a bleffing to mankind. At the fame time, he thinks that facrifices made for the purpose of securing a continuance of that bleffing cannot be faid to be dictated by any other motive than that of public good. He then goes into the confideration of the four following points:-(we quote from the tranflation.)

1ft, Whether the prefervation of the fources of British profperity, does not effentially depend on the equipoife, the independence, and the tranquillity of Europe? zdly, Whether that equipcife will not be abfolutely deftroyed, and her independence and tranquillity be continually in danger, from the moment that France is left in poffeffion of any part of her conquefts? 3dly, Whether the near annihilation of the only refource which, during the war, fhe can make productive, does not give a better chance of depriving her of her conquefts by perfeverance?'

and, 4thly, Whether the refources of England are not fully fufficient for profecuting without difcouragement a war carried on in defence of fociety itfelf; and whether the neceffity of increafing her debt ought, on the one hand, fo to alarm her as to make her lay down her arms, or on the other encourage the French farther to delay the reftitution of all their conquests.

Having examined them minutely, and made feveral judicious obfervations, he concludes that England owes it to herself, to Europe, to the prefent and to future generations; in a word, to fociety in general, and to the lafting happiness of mankind; not to think of peace, until France fhall be once more confined within the limits that bounded her territory at the beginning of thiswar.

In his 4th chapter, M. D'I. confiders the infurmountable obftacles that fland in the way of France continuing under a republican government, and labours to prove that the ought most carefully not only to avoid trufting the administration of the fate to an elective head, but by all means to seek her own happiness in the restoration of an hereditary and limited monarchy. In the courfe of this task, M. D'I. attempting to correct an error of Rouffeau, refpecting the English House of Lords, falls into one himself no lefs unpardonable. Rouleau,



in his New Heloifa, makes an English Lord hold the following language. . . . " Supreme ministers of the law in the House of Peers, fometimes even legislators, we equally diftribute juftice to the people and to the king; and we fuffer none to fay, "God and my SWORD," but only "God and my RIGHT." M. D'I. makes the following obfervation on this paffage: The Houfe of Peers but feldom erects itfelf into a court of juftice; its habitual functions are those of legiflation fo that Rouffeau fhould have faid "Legislators in the House of Peers, and fometimes even fupreme minifters of the law." Our author ought to have known that the House of Lords is the fupreme court of appeal in this kingdom; and that its functions are judicial as well as legiflative. Had he been in the habit of attending its meetings, he would have seen it, every feffion, hearing appeals, and revifing decrees and judgments of inferior tribunals, carried to their bar by fuch of the parties as thought them erroneous.

M. D'I. appears to wifh moft earnestly that the French would adopt the British conftitution; and, with a view to this, he combats, in his 5th chapter, certain prejudices which are entertained against it in France even by many persons who are decidedly friends to a limited monarchy. In this chapter, he makes a very able defence of our conftitution; to which, however, he is fo attached, that he does not fee very clearly those blemishes in it which ftrike the eyes of thinking English.


Having gone into fuch lengths in detailing his obfervations on other points, we are under the neceffity of difmiffing the reft of the work with fome very fhort obfervations.

In his Conclufion,' M. D'I. admits that peace is an object which ought to occupy all the thoughts of all the belligerent powers but he infifts that even peace might be purchafed at too dear a price. To France, he contends, it is infinitely more neceflary than to any other ftate now engaged in the war: the expences to which fhe is driven are almoft beyond imagination; certainly beyond the power of any people in the world to bear without becoming completely exhaufted and bankrupt, To prove this, he tells us that the fupplies for the month Pluviofe of the prefent year exceeded the revenue by the fum of 313 millions; while in the month Germinal, the excess amounted to the enormous fum of 660 millions: fo that, in the short fpace of two months, the French have been obliged to spend of their capital ONE THOUSAND and THREE MILLIONS of livres. New emiffions of affignats thus becoming neceffary every month, the depreciation, he fays, muft of course keep rapidly increafing; till, in the opinion of our author, this paper will



be worth little or nothing; and without fuch a refource as it has hitherto afforded, the war and the revolution cannot poffibly be fupported. If it be for the purpofe of preferving her conquefts, that France puts her existence to fuch a hazard, either the acts like one under a deprivation of reason; or the thinks thofe conquefts worth fo vaft an expenditure, from which the could immediately free herself by agreeing to reftore them, Certainly the reafons that weigh with her to preserve them. fhould, it would feem, induce the other powers of Europe to think that their own future peace and independence cannot be fecure, while France is thus aggrandized by extenfive encroachments on her neighbours.

Such is the fubftance of a very interefting pamphlet, which contains abundant proofs that the author is intimately ac quainted with the nature of his fubject, and poffeffes a thorough knowlege of the fituation, views, interefts, and refources of the ruling power of France. It is impoffible for us, without a violation of confiftency, to applaud the fyftem which he recom mends; because we have invariably condemned, on principle, the war in which we are unfortunately engaged, and which it is M. D'IVERNOIS's object to perfuade the confederate powers to profecute with vigour. We, however, have never been fo affuming as to arrogate to ourselves infallibily. The justice or the policy of the war is perhaps mere matter of opinion, and may have two fides: the author, however, fays nothing about either; he does not look into the origin of the war: but, finding it raging, and the French victorious, he trembles for the balance of power. That there is at present a probability that, with a little perfeverance on the fide of the allies, the French will be under the neceffity of offering tale and honourable terms of peace, through inability to continue the war, is what he confidently aflerts; and, if his premifes be granted to him, his inferences must be admitted to be juit: we think, however, that he is rather too fanguine in his hopes, and that the recovery of the Netherlands, and of the other conquefts made by the French, is rather to be defired than expected. We fay defired, because, though we are and always have been friends to the establishment of liberty in France, we have inva riably been enemies to the aggrandizement of that country. We are Britons, and confequently devoted to the independence of the British ftate; which we know must be endangered, if France be fuffered to enlarge her'territories. We most fincerely with her free and happy: but we most certainly do not with her an increase of power. It is fufficient for her to be ftrong enough to repel aggreffion, and to cover her own dominions; it is not for the tranquillity and fafety of her neighbours

neighbours that she should be powerful enough to pull down other ftates, and to annex them to her own territories.

The tranflation of this work deferves the highest praife. ART. XIX. Le Reveil de la Raifon. Septembre 1794. 8vo. pp. 90 25. Imported by De Boffe, London.

ow may we tranflate this title? The Awaking of Reafon? The pamphlet, however, is written with much eloquence, and in the best ftyle of French declamation. Its object is to call on writers and fpeakers to warn their feveral difciples against the tendency of French opinions to extirpate civilization, We fe lect a paragraph:

Traverse the countries of Europe-every where you may track the path of flaughter and devaftation. Cottages burned, palaces levelled, holy edifices first profaned, and then overthrown; the monuments erected to valor or to beneficence fullied or deftroyed, the masterpieces of industry and art mutilated or defaced, heaths covered with the wounded and the dead, fields uncultivated, cities facked or abandoned At Turin, Madrid, Naples, Vienna, London, Geneva, you will find traitors and confpirators weaving their fatal plots against fovereigns, and against nations; fowing difcord and confufion, defiring the univerfality of anarchy and its maffacres, in order to poffefs the fruit of their labours in impunity, and to keep off that vengeance human and divine, the tardy ftep of which they affect to scorn. At this terrible fight, your affrighted fhades (the fhades of the writers fuppofed to have brought on the revolution) turn afide; you weep over those laurels which girded your brows on the day of glory. Your intentions may have been pure; you may not have forefeen the misfortunes of which you have been a primary caufe. You believed, perhaps, that mankind were better than they are; you toiled to render them happy; your zeal misled you. Your pens have shed storms of thunderbolts; your writings have become decrees of death and of profcription; your genius a focus which has fet fire to the world.'


We little expected to find the inference drawn from all this
to be: Let the war be continued; let fresh corn-fields be
trodden down by the foldiery; let fresh cottages be plundered,
polluted, and burnt; let fresh cities be cannonaded into rub-
bifh, and fresh heaths whitened with the bones of men; and
this for the fake of civilization! Such counfel occurs, how-
ever, in pages 17 and 18. Humanity of a Lamia! tears of a

ART. XX. Journal d'un Emigre, agé de 14 ans ; i. e. Journal of a
French Emigrant, 14 Years old. 12mo. pp. 96. 2s. fewed.
De Boffe, London. 1795.


HIS tour defcribes a journey from Dunkirk through Ghent, Bruffels, Spa, Cologne, Utrecht, and Rotterdam, to Aldeburg, (Aldborough) in Suffolk, where the young author


landed. It is very agreeably written. The French and Englifh are printed on oppofite pages, in order that it may become a manual for those who are ftudying either language. In the English half, a few Gallicifms occur.


ART. XXI. Reflections on the Formation and Diftribution of Wealth. By M. Turgot, Comptroller General of the Finances of France, in 1774, 1775, and 1776. Tranflated from the French. Svo.

Pp. 122. 35. Ridgway, London. 1795.


UR readers are not unacquainted with the talents and character of the author of this performance, whofe life was reviewed in the Appendix to the M. R. vol. ixxvi. If what Condorcet fays of the original of this work be founded in fact, it may be confidered as the highest compliment to M. TURGOT. "This effay, (fays Condorcet,) may be confidered as the germ of the treatife on the Wealth of Nations written by the celebrated Smith;"-and certain it is, that the publication before us gives what might be called a rough fketch or general outline of what is fo admirably filled up by Dr. S. TURGOT was led, by the various employments which he held in the course of his public life, to turn his thoughts to the ftudy of finance: he at different periods filled the offices of Mafter of Requests, intendant of Limoufin, naval minifter, and comptroller general of the finances of France; and he had numberlefs opportunities of judging of the wifdom or folly of the feveral fyftems which prevailed in his time, in his own country, and in others, refpecting commerce and the fource and management of national wealth.

In the present pamphlet, this able ftatefman has thrown his thoughts into the fhape of propofitions, of which here are 101; and all after the first rest in a great measure on each other. In his firft, he afferts, in the most unqualified manner,

the impoffibility of the exiftence of commerce on the supposition of an equal divifion of lands, where any man shall poffefs only what is neceffary for his own fupport.' It follows that an Agrarian law muft inevitably be attended with a total extinction of trade. On this fubject he justly oblerves:

If the land was divided among all the inhabitants of a country, fo that each of them poffeffed precifely the quantity neceflary for his fupport, and nothing more; it is evident that all of them being equal, no one would work for another. Neither would any of them poffefs wherewith to pay another for his labour, for each perfon having only fuch a quantity of land as was neceffary to produce a fubfiftence, would confume all he fhould gather, and would not have any thing to give in exchange for the labour of others.'


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