references would be to enumerate almost every chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, and much of the Epistles; nor do the writings of the early Christians fail to set forth, in the most prominent colours, the continuance of this system, during protracted portions of the three first centuries of the Christian era. The violence and extent of these persecutions was such that they could not escape the notice of any; and hence, however indifferent the heathen writers of the period might be to the principles of Christianity; unobtrusive as it is in its own genuine character; the malignity of its enemies gave it a prominence, and a political importance, it might not otherwise have acquired, and we may fairly expect, that if our story be true, it could not entirely have eluded the attention of some among the historians, or others, whose productions fall within the period we are speaking of, and from whom its importance seems sufficient to demand some passing mention.

We do accordingly find, among the remains of the four first centuries, just such memorials as the nature of the case might lead us to expect. They go, it is true, but a little way; there is no enumeration of our books; nay, there is not the most distant allusion to them at all; yet there is a full and free recognition of various particulars, in perfect accordance with these books, and naturally arising out of them; and what is remarkable, though the Christian character is unjustly vilified, there is no single incident so much as implied, contradictory of any leading fact recorded in our books; no vestige of any other story ever current with any class of men.

It will be convenient to cite some of the principal passages from the few extant heathen writers that have come down to us; and then point out the particulars in which the agreement above stated is observable; merely premising, first, that if the extracts be fewer than might be looked for, we must remember that we possess scarcely a single history of these ages in a complete state;-the works of many writers being wholly lost, others existing only in part; and some in mere broken fragments:-and secondly, that the extent to which their testimony is now urged, is only to show that Christianity existed, and bore then a character precisely consonant to that deducible from our books, whence the existence of those books themselves is also fairly inferred, and the general identity of the Christian story fully proved.

Ammianus Marcellinus, in the fourth century, was with the emperor Julian in his Persian expedition; and wrote a history of the empire from the reign of Nerva to the death of Valens, in 378. The first thirteen books are lost, and the extant portion commences from the year 353, in the reign of Constantius, long after the empire had become Christian. He has frequent references to Christianity; and notices the deposition of Athanasius, and other matters of ecclesiastical history; but what I chiefly wish to note is, the estimate he had formed of the Christian religion, and the abuses of it; for speaking of Constantius, who it will be remembered was an Arian, he says: "The Christian religion, which in itself is plain and simple, he adulterated with a childish superstition: for studying it with a vain curiosity, instead of sober modesty, he raised many dissensions, which, when caused, he cherished and increased by a strife about words." Compare with this 2 Cor. xi. 3; 1 Tim. i. 4; vi. 4. 5; 2 Tim. ii. 23; Tit. iii. 9, &c. Compare, moreover, with 1 Tim. iii. 1-7; and Tit. 1. 6-9, his notion of the office of a Christian bishop, "which," he says, "re→ commends nothing but justice and lenity." Many also of the institutions and opinions then common among Christians are recognised in his writings.

Omitting Libanius, who among other relics, has left an oration to Theodosius, in behalf of the heathen temples, I go back to two ancient inscriptions found at Clunia, a Roman colony, in Spain, which relate to Diocletian's persecution, and belong to the first ten years of the fourth century. As this is a kind of evidence novel to our pages, I shall transcribe one of them as a specimen;

DIOCLETIANUS. JOVIUS. ET
MAXIMIAN. HERCULIUS

CAES. AUGG

AMPLIFICATO. PER. ORIEN

TEM. ET. OCCIDENTEM

IMP. ROM

ET

NOMINE. CHRISTIANORUM

DELETO. QUI. REMP. EVER
TEBANT.

These inscriptions celebrate the supposed abolition of Christianity; that given above may be translated thus: "Diocletian, Jovian, Maximian Herculius, Cæsars Augusti; on occasion of the extension of the Roman empire in the east and west, and the extinction of the name of Christians, who were bringing the republic to ruin." The general import of the other is the same; and the restoration of pagan worship is also commemorated. There also exists a medal struck by Diocletian with a similar inscription, "Nomine Christianorum deleto," "the name of Christians being extinguished.” Vopiscus, a Latin writer, quotes a letter of the emperor Aurelian, probably of the year 270 or 271, wherein he taunts the senate concerning their reluctance to consult the Sibylline books, "as if their consultations were held in some church of the Christians, and not in the temple of all the gods." Nearly at the same time Longinus wrote his treatise of the Sublime, and though not now considering the writings of the Old Testament, it may not be amiss to introduce his notice of Moses, a character repeatedly referred to in the New Testament, whom he designates as no ordinary man, and one who had formed a just sentiment concerning the power of the deity. He quotes the fine passages in the book of Genesis," God said; Let there be light; and there was light. (Gen. 1. 3.) Let the dry land appear, and it was so. (i. 9.)" In a fragment ascribed to him there is also a tribute to the excellence of Paul of Tarsus in argument; but its genuineness cannot be satisfactorily made out, though it is not proved to have been added by a later hand. Passing by Dion Cassius, who mentions the Christians in the reign of Commodus, and Ulpian a contemporary of Tertullian, who is said by Lactantius to have collected all the edicts against the Christians, we come to Galen, the celebrated physician, who flourished in the latter half of the second century. He blames one whom he mentions as declining to give a reason for some things advanced by him, "so that," he says, "we seem rather to be in a school of Moses or Christ, where we must receive laws with any reason that may be assigned;" and in another place he says: "It is easier to convince the disciples of Moses and Christ, than physicians and philosophers, who are addicted to particular sects." It is not difficult to resolve the dogmatism and obstinacy here ridiculed, into the simple faith and

unshaken constancy that are spoken of as the chief ornaments of the Christian character. "Be not afraid, only believe" (Mark, v. 36.) "He that endureth to the end shall be saved" (Matt. x. 22. xxiv. 13.). "Let us hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering, (Heb. x. 23. iv. 14.). Others also have taken a like erroneous view of the intrepid firmness of those who suffered every extremity rather than renounce the faith; thus Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the imperial philosopher, inculcating a readiness to encounter death, says that it should "proceed from a well weighed judgment, and not from mere obstinacy, like the Christians." The same may be said of Epictetus, who ascribes the patient endurance of the Galileans, as he terms them, (Luke xxii. 59. John, vii. 52. Acts, ii. 7.) to madness and habit; and of the very important extract with which I have now to present the reader, from the well known letter of the younger Pliny to Trajan.

Pliny was governor of Pontus and Bithynia, in the reign of Trajan, sometime between the years 100 and 110; and in the province committed to his care he met with a body of Christians, comprising doubtless in their number some of the very individuals to whom, if our books be genuine, Peter wrote (1 Pet. i. 1); many of whom might easily be still surviving. With these people he knew not how he ought to deal, and accordingly wrote to his imperial master for instructions. Having stated that he had never been present at the trials of any Christians, and knew not what rules had been observed in punishing them, he says: "The method I have observed towards those who have been brought before me, as Christians, is this: I interrogated them whether they were Christians; if they confessed, I repeated the question twice again, adding threats at the same time; when if they still persevered, I ordered them to be immediately punished; for I was persuaded, whatever the nature of their opinions might be, that a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy certainly deserved correction." Some, he says, being citizens of Rome, were sent thither; some, on examination, denied that they were Christians, or ever had been so, and readily invoked the gods, offered wine and frankincense before the emperor's statue, and even reviled the name of Christ: "whereas," he significantly adds, "there is no forcing, it is said, those who are really Christians

it

into a compliance with any of these articles." From the information of such as had been Christians, and had forsaken that faith, he gleaned some information as to the principles and practices of this people. "They affirmed," he tells Trajan, "that the whole of their guilt or error was, that they met on a certain stated day, before it was light, and addressed themselves in a form of prayer to Christ, as to some God, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not for the purposes of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery: never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust, when they should be called upon to deliver up; after which it was their custom to separate, and then re-assemble, to eat in common a harmless meal. From this custom, however," he testifies "they desisted, after the publication of my edict, by which, according to your orders, I forbad the meeting of any assemblies." He then states that he had examined by torture two female servants, called ministræ, but "could discover nothing more than an absurd and excessive superstition." He gives as a reason for adjourning further proceedings till he could hear from the emperor, that it appeared a matter highly deserving consideration, "more especially as great numbers must be involved in the danger of these persecutions, this inquiry having already extended, and being still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages, and even of both sexes. For this contagious superstition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection among the country villages." The extensive prevalence of the religion is further intimated by his complaint, that the temples had been almost deserted; the sacred solemnities intermitted, and the victims in no demand; but in these particulars he notes a great improvement, and expresses a hope that, by lenient measures, many might still be reclaimed.

The rescript of Trajan approves the measures taken, directs that the Christains are not to be sought for, but if legally convicted as such, are to be punished; pardon, however, is to be extended to all who recant and invoke the gods; and no bill of information is to be received, which has not the accuser's name subscribed. I reserve any remarks till the completion of my quotations enable me to give a connected summary of the points embraced by the heathen witnesses collectively.