or possibility to suppose that, being in such | Sovereign is not satisfied with the advice a situation, His Royal Highness can either tendered to Her-if either from the sugshut his eyes or close his ears to what is gestions of Her own mind, or from objectaking place that he should not feel the tions which may be suggested to Her by deepest interest in the foreign and domes- others, filling that high confidential situatic concerns of this country-and that he tion to which I have referred, Her Majesty should not, as a Privy Councillor, give to is of opinion that She will not accept the the Queen the benefit of his advice and advice of the responsible Minister of the opinion whenever She wishes to consult Crown, the course of the Crown and of the him on public affairs. I must further say Minister is equally open. The course of that the position, the most confidential the Crown is to refuse to accept that advice that can be filled-so confidential, indeed, of the Minister, and the inevitable consethat it can be filled by no person less quence to the Minister would be the tender closely connected with the Sovereign than of his resignation. If His Royal Highness, His Royal Highness-has not only never on any occasion, has done that which I bebeen abused to my knowledge, but the ad- lieve in my conscience he has never done, vice and counsel given by His Royal High- and as far as my experience goes I can say he ness have been always, to the best of my never has done-if he has unconstitutionbelief, given from an enlightened consid- ally interfered in the affairs of the State, eration of what was for the advantage of or has improperly interfered in leading the the Sovereign and the public good; and Crown to go counter to the advice tendered although it was undoubtedly the fault of to Her Majesty by Her responsible Minisany responsible Minister, if differing in ters, it would be not so much the fault of opinion from His Royal Highness, he per- His Royal Highness-though he would inmits himself to be overruled in the advice cur a grievous responsibility-but it would which he tenders to the Crown as such re- be the fault of the Minister, whose duty it sponsible Minister, it is a great advantage is, however respectfully he might listen to to any Minister having to advise the So- suggestions proceeding from such a high vereign of this country on public affairs-- quarter, not to allow the advice he gives to and that Sovereign a female-it is, I say, his Sovereign to be overruled by no subject a matter of great satisfaction and advan- whatever, or by anything else but the detage to the Minister that in explaining such cision of the Sovereign herself. And in affairs to a female Sovereign, with which that case he has only one course, and that She may not be in all respects familiar, is to withdraw from the attempt to offer She should have a person in her intimate advice which is not at all desirable. My confidence whose interests are bound up Lords, I trust you will forgive me for adwith Her own, and who on every account verting to this matter. I should have remust have the strongest feelings of attach-joiced to have seen the subject, notwithment to Her person, and of loyalty to the Throne, and that that person should be one able to consider the reasons given for the advice tendered to Her Majesty, and to suggest topics to Her Majesty which may or may not occur to Her own mind, but which, being suggested, it is satisfactory for any Minister to explain. The people of this country are under a great mistake if they suppose that the Sovereign does not exercise a real, salutary, and decided influence over the councils and Government of the country. The Sovereign is not the mere automaton, or puppet, of the Government of the day; She exercises a beneficial influence and control over the affairs of the State; and it is the duty of the Minister for the time being, in submitting any proposition for the assent of Her Majesty, to give satisfactory reasons that such propositions are called for by public policy, and justified by the public interests. If the standing it has prevailed to a considerable extent among the less instructed classes in the country, treated with that silent contempt which it deserves, and with which it would have been treated had I been in the place of the noble Earl opposite. I am happy, however, to have had an opportunity of agreeing with the noble Earl in the sentiments he has expressed in reference to this matter, though I must say that we on this side of the House have cause to complain of the manner in which it has been introduced to our notice. LORD CAMPBELL said, that having closely studied the constitutional history of this country, he was of opinion that all that had been described by the noble Earl at the head of the Government, and the noble Earl opposite, as taking place between the Sovereign and the Ministers, was altogether unexceptionable and most salutary. It was inevitable, on allowing a female to mount it. the Throne, that this communication between the Sovereign and Her Consort should take place-they must resort to the Salic law if they wished to prevent It was not as a Privy Councillor that His Royal Highness was present, but as an alter ego-as the Consort of the Queen; and it was highly desirable that the Queen regnant should have the advice of Her illustrious Consort. He believed that these accusations were most groundless and most calumnious. It was a proof that, if His Royal Highness did give advice to Her Majesty, most salutary that advice must have been, for he had no difficulty in saying that the Queen now upon the Throne was the most constitutional Sovereign that ever reigned. THE EARL OF HARDWICKE regretted that any attempt should have been made to charge him or those near him with any connexion with the press that had circulated those slanders. [Noble LORDS on the Treasury bench were understood to disclaim the charge.] He was glad that it was now abandoned. For his own part, he should have been the basest of men if he had written or abetted the writing of any such report as had appeared in the newspapers. He disclaimed having ever had any connexion with any paper, or writing any article in any periodical what ever. THE EARL OF ABERDEEN said, that what he had said was exactly the reverse of that attributed to him by the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby). The noble Earl ought to be the last person to connect anybody with the press on account of any supposed similarity of opinion expressed by that periodical in which the report might have been found. He had not counted the number of days on which the different newspapers had indulged in those abominable and scandalous reports, but he had seen those reports in the newspapers which were received as the organs of the noble Earl's party. He said, therefore, the noble Earl ought to use caution in charging others with any connexion with the press on account of any supposed similarity of sentiment, and that was all he had said, or meant to say. THE EARL OF DERBY said, that the noble Earl at the head of the Government had charged the original propagation of these absurd scandals upon the papers connected with the Conservative party. He told the noble Earl again that they had had their origin in, and main propagation through the papers connected with the extreme Liberal opinions which were perhaps now represented by the noble Duke who cheered so loudly (the Duke of Newcastle). He repeated that in these papers they had their origin, and if they had been copied into papers connected with Conservative opinions, all he could say was, that when he saw them in one of those papers he saw them with regret. As to the other paper, he never saw it. How those slanders, however, whether propagated by the extreme Liberal or the Conservative press could be intended to damage the noble Earl or Her Majesty's Government, he was at a loss to understand, inasmuch as between them and the Court he apprehended there was no inseparable connexion. THE EARL OF HARROWBY said, that of course these vile slanders were treated with deserved contempt, so long as they were confined to the lower portion of the Radical press; but they received confirmation to some extent, and attracted notice, when they were copied by that portion of the press which professed to represent the gentlemen of England. Their Lordships were not to be reasoned out of their own senses. Those reports had been sanctioned by the Conservative press, and they gained belief in consequence of those abominable, scandalous, and incredible slanders receiving the sanction of that press. He must say he wished he had seen through the medium of his noble Friends on the right some disclaimer of those slanders, or some influence exercised to put a stop to them. He did not suspect them of having shared in those things. God forbid that any gentleman should be suspected of any such conduct! But he did complain that some gentlemen connected with that party had not come boldly forward on the first opportunity, and given a check to those slanders. He must say that he did think, considering the position which His Royal Highness Prince Albert occupied in this country, considering that we had had thirteen years' experience of him in which he had been walking among us in public and in private, and taking a share in all our institutions, having in that time earned the reputation not only of a man of virtue and character, but of a man of sense and discretion, that it was in the highest degree discreditable to this country that it could have entertained for a moment suspicions so base and so utterly unfounded. He repeated, that he did not charge his noble He re Friends personally; but when he saw the ped them if they had chosen? Radical press aloue blamed, as if the Con-peated that he had never heard a more servative press had had no share in it, he offensive speech spoken in that House in could not help rising to vindicate the com- his life. mon sense of the country, and to place the blame where it was fairly due. THE EARL OF DERBY said, he did not desire to defend one newspaper or another; but he did desire to repudiate the attempt which had been made to throw upon the Conservative party and press the odium of having originated this slander. He disclaimed also the doctrine which had been put forward by the noble Earl (the Earl of Harrowby), that it was the duty of himself, or of his noble Friends, to watch for any absurd or mischievous paragraph which might appear in a newspaper which the noble Earl was pleased to call their organ, and which so far as he was concerned, or could prevent it, he had never allowed any paper whatever to be. Neither directly nor indirectly had he ever influenced in his life, so far as he knew, a single paragraph in a single newspaper, and he was not going now for the first time to take upon himself the duty of contradicting either the calumnies which might appear against him in opposing journals, or the absurd paragraphs in those professing to support him, and thereby making himself, what he never would be, responsible for that which might appear in any newspaper whatever. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY could say, that since he had entered that House, he had never heard a speech which had been more offensive to his feelings than that of the noble Earl on the cross benches (the Earl of Harrowby). [Laughter.] It was no laughing matter to tell gentlemen that they were connected with a press which had insulted the Crown. He begged the noble Earl would not interrupt him. He had not interrupted the noble Earl. THE EARL OF HARROWBY rose to explain. He had distinctly stated that he did not charge the noble Earl or his Friends with being connected with that press. If he had not made himself clear on that point, he regretted it. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY: The noble Earl had stated that it was their duty, and that they ought early to have stopped those articles from appearing. How could they stop them if they were not connected with that press? And if the noble Earl told them that they ought to have stopped these things, was not that telling them that they were connected with that press, and that they could have stop Address agreed to, nemine dissentiente; and a Committee was appointed to prepare the Address. The Committee withdrew; and, after some time, Report was made of an Address drawn by them, which, being read, was agreed to; and Ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves. House adjourned to Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Tuesday, January 31, 1854. MINUTES.] NEW WRITS (during Recess).-For New Sarum, v. Charles Baring Wall, Esq. deceased; for Warwick County (Southern Division), v. George Guy Greville, Esq. commonly called Lord Brook, now Earl of Warwick, called to the House of P'eers; for Gloucester County (Eastern Division), v. Henry Charles Fitzroy Somerset, commonly called the Marquess of Worcester, now Duke of Beaufort, called to the House of Peers; for Lisburn Borough, v. Roger Johnson Smyth, Esq. deceased; for Clonmel, v. John Cecil Lawless, Esq. commonly called the Hon. Cecil Lawless, deceased. Now Ordered.-For Oxford University, v. Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Bt. Steward of Northsted; for Louth County, v. Chichester Samuel Fortescue, Esq., Commissioner of the Treasury; for Stafford County (Southern Division), v. Viscount Lewisham, now Earl of Dartmouth; for Brecknock Borough, v. Charles Rodney Morgan, Esq. deceased; for Salop County (Southern Division), v. Hon. Robert Henry Clive, deceased; for Sussex County (Western Division), v. Richard Prime, Esq. Chiltern Hundreds. NEW MEMBERS SWORN.-For Gloucester County (Eastern Division), Sir Michael Hicks Hicks Beach, Bt.; for Stamford, Lord Robert Talbot Gascoyne Cecil; for New Sarum, Edward Pery Buckley, Esq.; for Dungarvan, John Francis Maguire, Esq.; and for Lisburn, Jonathan Joseph Richardson, Esq. being one of the people called Quakers, made the Affirmation required by Law. PUBLIC BILL.-1° Outlawries. CONVOCATION. SIR JOHN PAKINGTON: Sir, I have to request the permission of the House to put a question to Her Majesty's Government. I am quite aware that it is unusual to address any question to a Minister of the Crown upon the first day of the Session. I have no desire unnecessarily to infringe that rule, but I hope that the House will consider that circumstances justify me in making this an exceptional case. Sir, I in the usual manner, and that, therefore, unless a necessity should arise, the interposition of the Crown should not take place. I may say further, though it does not enter into the right hon. Gentleman's question, that if Convocation shall be continued beyond to-morrow, and shall be adjourned to another day, then the Earl of Aberdeen will consider that that case of necessity has arisen, and that the interpo have received information with respect to THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. MR. SPEAKER reported, that the House had that day been to the House of Lords, when Her Majesty was pleased to make a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament; and that for the sake of greater accuracy, he had procured a copy thereof. The right hon. Gentleman then read the Speech to the House. ADDRESS IN ANSWER TO THE SPEECH. VISCOUNT CASTLEROSSE: Sir, in rising for the purpose of moving the adoption of an Address to Her Majesty, in answer to the gracious Speech which the House has just heard from the Chair, I have to solicit that forbearance and that kind indulgence which this House never fails to extend to those who have the honour of addressing it for the first time; and the more to merit that indulgence I shall be as brief as possible in fulfilling the duty which now devolves upon me, of endeavouring to induce the House to LORD JOHN RUSSELL: I have seen agree to the Address which I shall have my noble Friend the Earl of Aberdeen on the honour to move. Sir, the period at this subject, and can have no difficulty in which Parliament has assembled is, perhaps, answering the question of the right hon. as momentous as any in our former history; Gentleman. It has been the usual practice and I trust I may be permitted to express for Convocation to meet on the summons a hope that the House of Commons, throwof the Crown, and to be prorogued by the ing aside all party differences, will bring to Archbishop; that has been the usual course the deliberations upon which we are about to with respect to Convocation. The Earl of enter that unanimity of feeling for the hoAberdeen has communicated to those Mem- nour and welfare of this country which will bers of the Convocation whom he has seen, enable her to maintain her proud and forethat he thinks it would not be desirable to most place amongst the nations of the earth. depart from that usual course, and he is of I shall now, Sir, proceed, with the kind opinion that the prorogation should take mission of the House, to touch very briefly place to-morrow in the usual manner. upon some of the topics alluded to in Her Therefore the right hon. Gentleman will Majesty's Speech. I feel convinced that see that the noble Lord at the head of the House will cordially sympathise in the the Government has nothing to do either deep regret expressed by Her Majesty with the proceeding or not proceeding at the threatened termination of that by Convocation with business to-morrow. peace with which we have been blessed What he has said is, that it is desirable for a period of nearly forty years. I think that the Convocation should be prorogued Her Majesty's Government are entitled to per the thanks and to the confidence of the though, no doubt, great difference of opincountry for the forbearance and modera- ion will prevail as to the amount and nature tion which they have displayed during the of the reform required, yet it is impossible last nine months. Throughout that long to overlook the fact, as evidenced by the and eventful period, they have, in conjunc- Reports laid upon the table of the House tion with His Majesty the Emperor of the during the last Session, of the great and French, and Her Majesty's other allies, wide-spread corruption which prevailed at had recourse to every possible means which the late general election. There is every negotiation and diplomacy could suggest, reason to hope that the measure which Her in their anxious desire to save this country, Majesty's Government are about to submit not to say Europe, from war, with all its to Parliament will remedy that great evil, accompanying miseries and burdens. Sir, and give, I trust, general satisfaction to thǝ while I feel assured this forbearance will country. I shall not presume to trespass receive its just reward, and be duly ap- longer on the time and attention of the preciated by the country, it has, in my House with any further observations of my humble judgment, been productive of two own, feeling as I do how ill it would begreat advantages: first, it has given the come one inexperienced as myself, were I country time to discuss the question in to attempt to enter upon the many grave all its various bearings, and to form its and important measures mentioned in Iler own opinion; and, in the second place, it Majesty's Speech, and which will be subhas enabled Her Majesty's Government mitted to the consideration of the House. to be prepared for whatever emergency Thanking the House for its extreme kindmight arise, by sending to sea a fleet un- ness and indulgence to me, I beg, Sir, to rivalled in the annals of our naval history. moveBut should this country, Sir, unfortunately be compelled to engage in war, it will have "That an humble Address be presented the consolation of knowing that it will to Her Majesty to convey to Her Majesty not be a war embarked in rashly, or for the the Thanks of this House for Her Masake of military or naval glory, or through jesty's most gracious Speech from the the desire of conquest, but undertaken Throne: for the purpose of maintaining inviolate those treaties to which the faith of England has been pledged. The House will at once be put in possession of every information respecting the Eastern question, as all papers relating to the negotiations which have been carried on, will be forthwith laid upon the table. Sir, I am confident the House will again sympathise in the regret expressed by Her Majesty at the distress-temporary, I trust -which prevails amongst the labouring classes, in consequence of the deficient harvest with which it has pleased Providence to visit this country; it is, however, gratifying to reflect on the benefits conferred on those classes by recent legislation, which by cheapening the necessaries of life must tend to mitigate their sufferings. It is now my pleasing duty to congratulate the House on the great financial prosperity of the country, as described in Her Majesty's Speech, and indicated by the returns of trade and revenue. Passing on, now, Sir, to the last paragraph, I am glad to find that it is the intention of the Government to introduce a measure of Parliamentary reform during the present Session. It must, I think, be obvious to all that some reform is necessary; and Humbly to thank Her Majesty for the assurance of the peculiar satisfaction with which on the present occasion She recurs to the advice and assistance of Her Parliament: 66 Humbly to assure Her Majesty of the regret with which we learn that the hopes which Her Majesty expressed at the close of the last Session, that a speedy settlement would be effected of the differences existing between Russia and the Ottoman Porte have not been realised, and that a state of Warfare has ensued: "That we rejoice to learn that Her Majesty has continued to act in cordial cooperation with the Emperor of the French, and that Her Majesty's endeavours, in conjunction with Her Allies, to preserve and to restore Peace between the contending parties, although hitherto unsuccessful, have been unremitting: 86 Humbly to express our satisfaction at learning that Her Majesty will not fail to persevere in these endeavours; and to thank Her Majesty for informing us, that as the continuance of the War may deeply affect the interests of this Country and of Europe, Her Majesty thinks it requisite to make a further augmentation of Her Naval and Military Forces, with the view of sup |