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vernment; and there would have been a de- the intention of Government to interfere at monstration of public opinion against Rus- all, they ought to have done so upon hearsia which would have materially strength- ing of the operations of Prince Menchikoff ened their hands in the subsequent nego- in Turkey, to watch the effect of which a tiations which they set on foot. He could special Ambassador ought to have been not but think that the mistrust which the sent to Constantinople, as was done in the Government then showed in the people of person of Lord Heytesbury in 1833. There this country did much to confirm the Em- was no doubt, also, that there were times peror of Russia in his unhappy obstinacy, when Government could have seen clearly, if and, with other circumstances, had led him they had only watched carefully, the policy to take the fatal resolution which he had and intention of Russia, and that, seeing it, now done. Adverting to another point, he they would have checked it, and prevented would take that opportunity of impressing the occurrence of so dreadful a war as that on the House and the Government the which now threatened not only us, but necessity of using every possible precaution the whole of the continent of Europe. It to preserve the health and the lives of the appeared to him now, however, that there brave soldiers whom we might send to fight was nothing left but that all parties should our battles in the East in the impending determine unanimously and fairly to come struggle. He trusted that a sufficient staff forward and support Government in carryof skilled medical officers would accompany ing on the war which, whether wisely or our army, and that the greatest possible not brought about, was most certainly imcare and precaution would be taken to pending. ensure their safety both in the voyage and during their encampment in those dangerous regions, to which they were going. Dangerous, he would call them, not for the ordinary perils of warfare, not for "the arrow that flieth by day," but for "the pestilence that walketh in darkness," and "the sickness that destroyeth in the noon-day." He did not doubt that the Government would apply themselves to that important consideration with the same promptitude which had characterised the preparations they had made for this war within the last two months-unparalleled as those preparations were in the history of this or any country; and if they did so they would considerably mitigate the grief of many persons, near and dear, who were left behind by our gallant army.

SIR HENRY WILLOUGHBY said, he, for one, could not give his consent to the commendations which had been so liberally bestowed upon Government by the hon. Member for Pontefract (Mr. M. Milnes); and he thought that until the present time Government had done little or nothing to check the aggression of Russia; no Government newspapers had spoken out, and no individual, as representing the Government, had in the early part of the question at issue come forward actively and authoritatively in the matter. He believed that, if the intention of Government to resist the aggression of Russia had been clearly made known at first, it would have had more effect upon the Emperor of that country than all the despatches in all the blue books put together. If it had been

SIR DE LACY EVANS said, he certainly could not agree in any way with the hon. Member for Evesham (Sir H. Willoughby) in his observations on the conduct of Her Majesty's Government, and he thought it, at the present crisis, frivolous to go back into old grievances. He certainly thought if Her Majesty's Government had acted more openly with the House, they would have shown more wisdom. He believed that the public press had done more to enlighten the people as to the true state of things than all the blue books put together would have done. He had looked through the blue books, and his candid opinion was, that Government had done the best they could under circumstances of considerable difficulty; and, for himself, he could not say that he was sorry at the termination to which we had arrived, because it gave us an opportunity of prominently coming forward and checking the aggressive policy of Russia, of which not only her present conduct, but her past, gave us ample proof. He (Sir De Lacy Evans) did not regret the termination of those negotiations. The conduct of Russia was a mere pursuance of a longpremeditated policy. He certainly should be glad to see a higher tone taken by Her Majesty's Government, as also by the Governments of the Continent, towards the despot of St. Petersburg; but now that they had come to the final issue, he should say he rejoiced at it. There could be no real peace with Russia, and they never could succeed by negotiation in doing more than patching up a brief truce. The hon.

Member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) | ply to making a few remarks in reply to thought they should fall back on the Vienna the observations which fell from my hon. note; but he (Sir De L. Evans) should be Friend the Member for Pontefract (Mr. M. sorry to see any such attempt made, re- Milnes). The hon. Gentleman complained collecting the insult, the reprobation, and that the Government had been wanting in dissimulation practised by Russia. Our confidence towards this House in not laypolicy must not be a backward one now, ing before it at an earlier period the corand our movement must at the present respondence and communications which crisis be onward. We were essentially at had passed between Her Majesty's Governwar with Russia at the present moment, ment and other Governments with referand, that being so, he should certainly re- ence to the dispute between Russia and gret to see us waver in our action. The Turkey. Sir, I can assure the House, that hon. Member for the West Riding had also if any delay has taken place, either now or committed an error in supposing that in at any other time, in communicating to undertaking this war we intended to favour Parliament the despatches showing the the Mahomedan religion at the expense of progress of the negotiations which have the Christian, since this was not so; and been carried on with regard to this most the only reason of our entering into the important question, it has not been in any quarrel at all was, not to protect Turkey, degree from any distrust in Parliament or or to have anything to do with the Maho- in the country on the part of Her Majesmedan religion, but to resist the aggres- ty's Government, or from any desire to sion and domination of Russia. The hon. conceal from Parliament or the country the Member had also suggested that it would nature or the progress of the negotiations have been wise to send a Commission to which have been going forward; but I am inquire into those differences; but, if the sure that the House and the hon. Gentlehon. Member had had as much experience man will see that a premature publication of Commissions and inquiries as he had of portions of our unfinished negotiation had, he would know the inutility of doing may most essentially prejudice the suc anything of the kind. The hon. Member cessful result of that negotiation, and that had also talked much of Russia, with her until it is brought to some termination, 66,000,000 of population, being homo- either favourable or unfavourable, you must geneous of the Greek Church, but the fact entirely defeat your chance of a successful was, that of this number there were only issue of that negotiation by a premature 22,000,000 of serfs who belonged to that publication to the world of the proposals Church, and these were entirely under the made, the refusals given, the modifications control and ridden over by their aristocratic which have taken place, or the difficulties masters, while the remaining portion of which have arisen in the course of it. It the population were Papists and members really is entirely a matter for their opinion of all denominations of creeds and super- as to its expediency or otherwise-and that stitions, and entirely under the control of opinion may be either right or wrong, the despotism under which they lived. He though in this case I believe it has been was glad that this discussion had taken perfectly right-that Ministers must be place, and that these things had occurred guarded in choosing the moment in which at the present time, when we were in so communications of this nature should be good a position for commencing and carry-made to Parliament. There is also one ing out successfully a war like the present. We had now the advantage of a close alliance with France, and enjoyed the friendly co-operation of the Sovereign of that country. We had a splendid and efficient army and navy, and, more than all, we had right and justice on our side. He hoped, therefore, that Government, now that war seemed inevitable, would not make their warlike preparations by driblets, but would carry out the same with vigour and activity, and-at once.

other point in the speech of my hon. Friend the hon. Member for Pontefract to which I wish to refer. My hon. Friend has expressed an anxious hope that Her Majesty's Government would not omit to take all those precautions and all that care which are fitting for the health and comfort of those troops which may be employed on that expedition upon which a portion of Her Majesty's army are to be engaged. Sir, I can only assure my hon. Friend and the House, that that subject is VISCOUNT PALMERSTON : Sir, I am one which above all things attracts the atnot going to renew the discussion of the tention and employs the care of Her Maother evening, but will confine myself sim-jesty's Government, not only now, but

always-but more especially at the present | if the Government had shown greater entime, considering the distance of the place ergy at first, the question would have been for which they are to embark. Every care has been taken to provide for the health and comfort of the troops, and every precaution adopted to guard them from those injuries and inconveniences which may arise from the various casualties resulting either from climate or from actual war. Therefore, those friends and relations whom they leave behind may be satisfied that nothing will be omitted which it is possible to do to provide for their health and their comfort while engaged on the expedition on which they have been sent. It is the peculiar pride of this country that greater care is taken of British troops than of the troops of any other nation in the world, and although it may be attended with some increase of expense, and though it may seem at first sight to render the British army more expensive than any other army, yet, if we measure expense by results, it is obvious that ours is actually the most economical arrangement which can be made. I will venture to say that if you take 40,000 or 50,000 of any army in the world and an equal number of British troops, you will find that, owing to the greater care which is paid to our army in respect of food, clothing, and medical attendance, the 40,000 British troops will, on the day of action, bring into the field of battle an infinitely greater number of serviccable men than a similar army of any other nation in the world. That is one reason I may say it without any national vanity-of the great efficiency in the field of British troops in comparison to the numbers employed. I have thought it right to make these few remarks in consequence of what fell from my hon. Friend, and to assure the House that upon this occasion, as well as upon all others-but more especially upon this-the greatest possible care has been taken to make every provision for those points to which my hon. Friend has alluded.

MR. MUNTZ said, he fully agreed with the noble Lord the Home Secretary that no blame could be fairly attached to the Government for not having produced the correspondence and documents sooner, because every one knew that, even in private affairs, if the negotiations which were going on were disclosed before their termination the result might be to defeat the object in view. At the end of last Session he had ventured to express an opinion that, VOL. CXXX. [THIRD SERIES.]

settled sooner; that if we had threatened
to make it a case of war the Pruth never
would have been crossed; and, as he had
been guilty of reading the blue books
through, he was quite confirmed by their
perusal in the opinion which he had on
that occasion expressed. It appeared to
him that almost every party concerned in
the affair had been deceived. It was quite
clear that the Emperor of Russia had de-
ceived Her Majesty's Government and
every one else too that had been in com-
munication with the Russian Government.
The Emperor had pretended to make this
a religious question, but religion had no-
thing to do with it. He had fancied that
this was a convenient season, from the
state of affairs in Europe, for the prose-
cution of his designs of Russian aggran-
disement, and he had accordingly at-
tempted to take advantage of it. It
was evident, too, that the Emperor of
Russia had been himself deceived; he had
been deceived with regard to the progress
of the Peace Society in this country. In
reading through the blue book he found
that, in a conversation between our Am-
bassador at St. Petersburg and Count
Nesselrode, the latter had said that his
Imperial master could not believe that,
after the exertions made by England for
the preservation of Peace at all costs,
that the English nation would ever go
to war. That he thought was a suf-
ficient proof of what mischief had been
done by the Peace Society. It seemed,
too, that with reference to the Vienna
note, every party concerned, except Tur-
key, had been deceived by Russia.
key seemed to be the only sensible party
in the affair. England, France, Austria,
and Prussia had all at first pressed the
acceptance of the Vienna note on Turkey,
and yet he found the British Minister
fourteen days afterwards acknowledging
that, if she had accepted it, it would have
been her eternal ruin. He believed, look-
ing at the whole circumstances of the
case, that, if greater energy had been
shown at an earlier period, all danger
and expense of war, and the misery and
loss of life which it would entail, might
have been prevented; and he could not
help feeling that the brave men who were
about to sail on this expedition, good as
they were, and even better as he believed
they would prove themselves to be than

20

Tur

all others though they were only 20,000 -would run risks which he was afraid to contemplate. True, it was said they were to be supported by a fine corps of the French army; but how long was the support of that army to be relied on? How long could we feel certain of the friendly disposition of the ruler who sent them,

or that he would be able to maintain that friendly disposition by the state of his own country? Then, what would become of our 20,000 men? He had read that the answer sent by the Czar to the Emperor Napoleon's letter was, that he would answer it by his soldiers, and that they would answer as their fathers did in 1812. There could not be a greater mistake than underrating one's enemy, and he did not agree with those who described the Russians as wretched, inefficient troops. He entertained a very different opinion of them, for he was old enough to remember the battle of Austerlitz, and the remarks of the first Napoleon on it; and he believed that the Russian troops now, as then, when they took the whole old Italian French army to beat them, were brave, energetic, and courageous soldiers, and a vast many there were of them. He believed that the war might have been prevented at an earlier stage, but, having got into it, all we had to do was to exert ourselves like Englishmen and get out of it as well as we could, to which object he would give his humble aid.

LORD ROBERT GROSVENOR said, that while he agreed with the hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, that an earlier production of the correspondence and documents would have been inadvisable, he could not concur in his opinion that a greater display of energy at the commencement would have prevented matters assuming their present warlike complexion. He saw nothing in the blue books to justify the supposition that, had the Emperor of Russia been threatened with war at an earlier period, he would have been deterred from prosecuting his designs. He believed, on the contrary, that by pursuing a pacific course Her Majesty's Government had gained a diplomatic triumph, and by enlisting Austria and Prussia on their side they had made the question an European instead of a mere national question.

Report agreed to.

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LORD BROUGHAM presented a Bill to explain the Act of the 13 & 14 Vict. c. 61. The noble Lord said that these courts possessed, under the operation of a clause in the Act, as it at present stood, which was termed the optional clause, a power to extend their jurisdiction, not only to cases in which any amount of money, no matter how considerable, was involved, but also to extend that jurisdiction to any kind of cause, no matter whether it related to a question of real or personal estate, provided the parties to the suit were prepared to assent to the exercise of a power so unlimited. Now it was very doubtful whether, in consequence of the manner in which another clause in the Act-he meant the appeal clause--had been framed, parties who had availed themselves of the power given by the optional clause had the right of appeal; and the consequence of this was that the operation of the optional clause had been very materially crippled. It had not thus led to the very beneficial results which otherwise it was calculated to produce, because parties to an action were unwilling to bring it on for trial in the county courts, in consequence of having no security that any error which might be committed by the judges of those courts in dealing with the question at issue, might be rectified by an appeal to the superior tribunals against the decision at which those judges might have arrived. The Bill which he now submitted to their Lordships had been framed for the purpose of affording a remedy for this state of things, and thus to extend the practical operation of the present law.

Bill read 1.

UNIVERSITY REFORM-OXFORD.

THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, I have to ask the indulgence of your Lordships for trespassing upon your time, in order to make a short statement in connection with a question which I now wish to put to Her Majesty's Government, and

The House adjourned at a quarter be- which I had no intention whatever of askfore Two o'clock.

ing until this day. Neither would your

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Lordships have been troubled with either the Universities appeared I shall say the statement or the question, had not my nothing now with regard to the mode attention been directed to a conversation in which that Commission was appointed, which took place yesterday in another nor with regard to the peculiar disadvanplace with reference to the important sub- tages under which the University of Oxject of University Reform, the nature of ford laboured in consequence of the exwhich I learned from the newspapers this parte nature of the statements which chamorning, and which is calculated to have a racterised the evidence given before that considerable influence upon the delibera- Commission-but shortly after their report tions of the meeting of Convocation, ap- appeared, Her Majesty's Government anpointed to be held to-morrow. I hope your nounced it to be their intention not immeLordships will excuse any irregularity of diately to act upon that report; expressed which I may appear to be guilty, in putting themselves as being desirous of being inthis question without having given any formed, in the first instance, what course previous notice that it was my intention the Universities themselves were prepared to do so, inasmuch as I was, until to-day, to take in reference to the contemplated unaware of the nature of the conversation reform, and as being perfectly ready to postto which I refer, and inasmuch as if I pone any attempt at legislation upon the did not now put a question to the Govern- subject until the opinions of the Universiment upon the subject, it would be impos- ties with reference to it should have been sible that that effect would be obtained in ascertained. The University of Oxford did connection with the deliberations of Convo- not lose any time in taking into its consication to-morrow, by either my question or deration the very important questions which the answer of Her Majesty's Ministers, had been raised by the report of the Comwhich it is desirable to produce. I un- missioners, and in the course of last year derstand that a declaration was made in a deputation from the Hebdomadal Board another place, yesterday, upon the part of entered seriatim into the several parts of Her Majesty's Government, that it was not which that report was composed. Some their intention to advise Her Majesty to vivá voce evidence was taken by that deassent to the proposed petition for altera-putation, but it conducted its investigation tions to be made in the governing body of principally upon the principle of requiring the Universities, which has to be submitted written answers to written statements. By to Convocation to-morrow. Your Lordships these means they had succeeded in eliciting must be aware that the only mode of the opinions upon the several points set effecting an alteration in what are called forth in the report of Her Majesty's Comthe Caroline Satutes in the Universities, missioners of some of the most distinunless some interposition of Parliament-guished members of the University. They a course to be deprecated-were to be resorted to, is by petitioning the Crown, and by asking its assent to those alterations. Now, the only means by which a petition can be presented by the Universities to the Sovereign is, in the first place, by obtaining for it the assent of the governing body, and then procuring the concurrence in its prayer of the University at large. When I speak of the University at large, your Lordships will bear in mind that Convocation includes all the members of the University, whether they be resident or non-resident, above the rank of a master of arts. Convocation consequently includes all ranks, classes, and denominations; and the expression of the opinion, therefore, of Convocation upon any particular subject, must be regarded as the expression of the sentiments of the University at large. Well, shortly after the report of the Commission which had been appointed by Her Majesty to inquire into the state of

That

subsequently made a report to the Hebdo-
madal Board of their proceedings, which
report contained at full length the whole
of the evidence which had been adduced
by means of their investigation.
report was printed on the 5th of December
last, shortly before the close of term. It
occupies a thick octavo volume, and in it
the various subjects connected with the im-
portant question of University reform are
dilated upon with great ability and great
skill. On the 12th of December, an offi-
cial letter, which has been since produced
by the direction of Parliament, was written
by the Secretary of State for the Home
Department, in which it was stated that
Her Majesty's Government were desirous,
in the first place, of ascertaining what
measures for the alteration and improve-
ment of their present constitution the dif-
ferent colleges were prepared to recom-
mend; and, in the second place, what in-
terposition of the Legislature they deemed

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