in daily-I might almost say, in hourly intercourse; have formed, as it werc, one Cabinet; and I can assure your Lordships that there have never been more differences between these two Governments, so united, than are to be found in some Cabinets of our own-differences that must ever exist among men who most respect each other, and which have only the effect of rendering the harmony more complete. I will further add, that the union between the two Governments has not been confined to the Eastern question. The happy accord and good understanding between France and England have been extended beyond Eastern policy to the policy affecting all parts of the world, and I am heartily rejoiced to say that there is no portion of the two hemispheres with regard to which the policy of the two countries, however heretofore antagonistic, is not now in entire harmony. Thus, then, my Lords, at least one great good will have been secured by these transactions-that two great, and hitherto rival nations have learnt to know and to appreciate cach other better, to reject the fallacy that they are each other's natural enemy, and to be ready to act heartily together in any just and righteous cause to which their common sympathies attract them. and it was duly forwarded. The Russian Government gave no answer to the note, on the ground that the Austrian mediation already existed. At Vienna the note was adopted with some trifling changes; and, after communication with the Governments of England and France, was, as modified, sent to St. Petersburg and the Porte. At St. Petersburg it was said to be unsatisfactory, but the Emperor nevertheless professed himself ready to accept it, on the condition that no alteration was made in it; but the Porte objected to accept it, unless with some modifications. These modifications, as being considered only tending to render more clear the bona fide intentions of the framers of the note, were not objected to by the Conference at Vienna, and were transmitted thence to St. Petersburg, with the recommendation that the note so modified should be accepted. As your Lordships, however, are aware, the note was rejected. We did not, of course, think that the note originally exposed the Porte to the dangers supposed; but the changes made were made on that supposition, and were merely such as more clearly defined the first meaning and intention of the note. I beg to point out that a great misapprehension exists with respect to the part of the Four Powers in this matter. The Four Powers were merely There was another point on which the noble Marquess dwelt on which I will say a few words. I will not waste your Lord-parties voluntarily offering to mediate in ships' time by entering into details, until the papers are on your table; but I will advert shortly to the Vienna Note, upon which my noble Friend has spoken more particularly. When Prince Menchikoff left Constantinople, the Austrian Government wrote to its Internuncio at the Porte suggesting that a counter-note might perhaps be framed out of the note which Prince Menchikoff had addressed to the Porte, and that which Reshid Pasha had written in answer. The Austrian Government conceived that such a counter-note might be drawn up, acceptable to Russia, and yet saving the honour of Turkey, and intimated that if such a note were prepared it would use its best efforts to give it effect. At the same time the French Government had prepared a note on the same basis, which its Minister submitted to Her Majesty's Government. We did not think that it would be a note likely to be acceptable; but as the French Government had a manifest desire to send it, by way of peace-offering, both to St. Petersburg and Vienna, we offered no opposition to that course, the matter between the other two parties. They said-" Here is a difference about two notes; we will endeavour to frame a note that shall suit both parties;" but they were not arbitrators, they had no right to impose their note on the parties; they were ready to receive any objections, or to adopt any modifications from either party; and the best proof of this is, that they did unhesitatingly adopt the modifications pronounced requisite by the Porte; but Her Majesty's Government did not suppose the note to be of the dangerous character supposed by the Porte, until Russia explained the use to which it might be turned; and then IIer Majesty's Government said no more on behalf of it. Hostilities, however, commenced between Russia and the Porte, and it then, of course, seemed impossible to hope to settle the matter by notes. Still, the Conference at Vienna, after having signed the Protocol —which I do not myself consider by any means so unimportant as my noble Friend thinks it-by a collective note asked the Porte on what terms it would be prepared such will not, I think, be the opinion of to negotiate. When, however, that collective note reached Constantinople, another basis of negotiation had been presented to the Porte by the representatives of the Four Powers, and these representatives, in the exercise of a sound discretion, did not, under those circumstances, present the collective note. The note to which I have referred was wholly approved by the representatives of the Four Powers at Vienna, who were unanimously of opinion that it was such as Russia ought to accept, and in their Protocol these representatives declared that, if Russia should not accept it, Russia alone would be the cause of war, and alone responsible for its consequences. That is the present state of the matter as regards negotiation. No answer has been received from St. Peters-servations on events which preceded this burg. I may be disposed to agree with my noble Friend that the note is not very likely to be adopted there; but, as yet, no answer at all has been received. THE EARL OF MALMESBURY: My Lords, your Lordships will easily imagine that I do not rise to oppose the Address which has been so ably and gracefully moved in this House by a new and young Member; but I think it desirable, as well, to notice parts of the Speech which Ministers have advised their Sovereign to make from the Throne, as also to make some ob. Speech, and on some of the statements made by my noble Friend who has just sat down. The first paragraph of the Speech goes at once to a most important and inteMy Lords, the negotiations I have resting subject, the state in which this referred to were still pending when that country is placed in reference to Russia, fearful disaster at Sinope happened, by and takes away from us any hope-if, inwhich the Turkish fleet (not employed, deed, any could have been felt-that this let me say, so far as I know, in the unfortunate affair could end in any peaceway stated by my noble Friend and in ful manner. In the next paragraph it apthe Russian papersin carrying troops pears to me the Ministers who approved it to Batoun, and stores to the Circas- have made two omissions which may be of sians-but lying peacefully in the har- great consequence. In the first place, I bour, and, for some days previously, must say that it appears to me most expected back at Constantinople) was de- remarkable that in this paragraph no stroyed in so horrible and barbarous a mention should be made of two out of manner in the harbour of Sinope. Upon the three countries which are in alliance that occurrence, my Lords, Her Ma- with us in this most important question. jesty's Government, in concurrence with If I understand this paragraph, Austria the French Government, determined at and Prussia are in no way alluded to, and once to extend that protection which had it can scarcely be considered complimenbeen three months before granted to the tary to exclude their names, if they are, as Ottoman territory to the Ottoman flag, we have just been told on the part of the and they gave notice of this intention to Government, cordially co-operating with us the Russian Government, and to the Rus-in this matter. Another omission which I sian admiral at Sebastopol. Such is the notice is the real purpose for which the present state of our communications on Parliament are called upon for an increase this important question. I shall refrain of our armaments-namely, to support the on the present occasion from going into independence of Turkey; whereas the only details, having confined myself to the en-object assigned in the Speech is the supdeavour to meet some of the charges which have been made against the Government by my noble Friend, leaving it to your Lordships and to the other House of Parliament to say, when the papers are before you, whether in our hands the honour and dignity of the country has been compromised. We may then even possibly be charged with having laboured too long, too far, and too hard in the cause of peace; but port of Her Majesty's representations, and the view of more effectually contributing to the restoration of peace. Neither is it enough to speak now of endeavours to preserve and to restore peace, if you wish people to believe you in carnest in your defence and vindication of the rights of Turkey. As Her Majesty's Goverument have promised to lay the papers before the Ilouse, it would be unfair to anticipate time, and previously to the other papers relating to the same subject. That reply could not be called a diplomatic paper, in the ordinary sense of the word, and it was not, strictly speaking, a correspondence; it was an answer to a defiance made in the face of Europe by the Minister of the Emperor of Russia-a defiance to England-a defiance which all who could read might read; and I considered it due to the honour and character of Her Majesty's Government that their reply should be equally firm, and that equal publicity should be given to it. But the noble Earl opposite, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, refused to lay that paper on the table upon the plea that its production might endanger the solution of the question; and in deference to the noble Lord's statement, and upon the understanding that it would be dangerous, I yielded to that plea, and withdrew my Motion. Now, what happened? Within a fortnight after this occurrence, the very paper I moved for appeared at full length in the Times newspaper, introduced by the language and preamble which, by all who know that newspaper, were perfectly understood as indicating that it was a sort of official announcement. The paper was stated to be a correct version of the noble Earl's reply to Count Nesselrode's manifesto-an incorrect version having been given in some other journal. My Lords, I say that this was not respectful to Parliament-it was not respectful to the country; and I should almost like to ask-so much I am astonished that the noble Earl should refuse to produce that paper to the House them; but I think that without their assistance I can discover some inaccuracies in the course of events which the noble Lord has described. But I shall not deal with these inaccuracies to-night, because there must be another and a searching debate upon this question within a very short time. But, my Lords, this I will say, that although I will not enter now upon details, because I am not armed with papers to enable me to speak with accuracy, I think I have a right to reproach Her Majesty's Government with their conduct towards this House, and to the Parliament generally, since the commencement of these disputes in the East. The last time I had the honour of addressing your Lordships upon this question was on the 12th of August, a week before the prorogation of Parliament. I had then to address a House of some twelve or fifteen of your Lordships only, and if I now repeat some of the statements-and they shall be few-which I made then, I must ask pardon of those who heard them, my excuse being that there were so few Peers present upon that occasion, while we have so full a House to-night; and that every day which has since elapsed, has given to the matter of those statements additional importance. My Lords, when I first addressed your Lordships upon this question, I moved for a return of all the papers relating to it. What was the answer which was given me on that occasion? The answer which I got from the noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was, that in a very few days, whatever course events might take, he would lay the papers on your Lordships' table. That I should almost like to ask why it was was the first promise which I got from the sent to the Times. I should not have noble Lord-if I remember rightly, on the thought such a thing possible; but ru18th of July. On the 12th of August, as mours have been rife that not very long the papers had not been produced, I made ago, when an important Member of the another Motion on the subject, but I con- Cabinet resigned his office, the first intifined myself on that occasion to asking for mation that Her Majesty had of it-and if a single paper-a paper which I considered not Her Majesty, certainly some of his exceedingly important, as affecting the Colleagues-was through the columns of views of the Emperor of Russia, and ex-the Times newspaper, to which, of course, hibiting the real animus of the British Government-the answer of Her Majesty's Government to Count Nesselrode's second manifesto. The French Government had answered that manifesto ably and firmly, and I thought there would be no impropriety, no imprudence, on the part of Her Majesty's Government, not only in laying their reply before Parliament, but in laying it before Parliament without loss of it most have been communicated by some very important Colleagues of the noble Viscount in the Government. I do not say that these rumours are true, but I do say that if this system is to be acted upon-if newspapers, or a favoured newspaper, is to receive official documents of so important a character that the Foreign Secretary declares it would be dangerous to lay them on your Lordships' table, and is to receive these documents before Parliament, and people, but with the new dynasty which instead of Parliament, then I can only say had been recently established in that that we really have four estates of the country. I was constantly taunted with realm; and that of those four the Queen is being ready to sacrifice the interests of my not the first, and your Lordships are not the country, for the sake of an alliance with second. But, my Lords, I think that in the French Emperor. The accident of a another point of view, Her Majesty's personal acquaintance with him some years Government have erred in keeping the previously was deemed sufficient foundacountry and the Parliament ignorant of tion for a charge against me of a personal the course which the negotiations were predilection in his favour, and that I wished taking. I can perfectly understand that to see him, rather than any other man, on there may be occasions when it may be the throne of France. I was little moved very inconvenient to be constantly placing by these attacks at the time, because I papers of this kind before the House and felt that no alliance could be of such before Parliament; but I believe that upon vital consequence to this country and to this occasion the Government would have the general peace of Europe as an alliance gained by taking a more open course, and with France, our nearest neighbour, and that if they had been more candid in their with a man, who, I had reason to believe, explanations they would have elicited from was determined to maintain peace with all Parliament a manifestation of that feeling other nations, and to preserve the territowhich the country of its own accord has rial distribution of Europe as arranged by since displayed, and that the people, with the treaties of 1814. Our policy has been their natural sagacity, seeing what the amply vindicated since that time, for the objects of Russia were in this dispute, very newspapers which attacked us now go would have shown what their feelings were to the length of saying that no other alliupon the subject, and that such a display ance is of the same importance. But, my would have assisted and armed the Go- Lords, the language of the press to which vernment, and would have prevented the I have alluded, made a very strong and Emperor of Russia from being deceived lasting impression on the Courts of Euinto the belief that this country, during rope with respect to our alliance with forty years of peace and prosperity, had France. The eyes of every Court of Eudegenerated into a state of indifference in rope were at that time intently fixed upon regard both to its treaties with its allies, the new French Emperor, and upon the and to its own honour and character, and bearing of this country towards him; and would be glad to purchase peace at any they judged from the language of the price. But, my Lords, I must say, follow-mouthpiece-not the real but the apparent ing up this subject, that the Czar was deceived, and that if he had not been, he never would have taken the dangerous steps which he has adopted. I think he was deceived from the beginning by certain circumstances which took place before Prince Menchikoff was sent to Constantinople. It will be in the recollection of your Lordships that almost during the whole time that my noble Friend behind me (the Earl of Derby) held office as Prime Minister of this country, the newspapers which represented, or were supposed to represent, not only what he might call the legitimate Opposition-the Whig Opposition-but of that smaller section of politicians who have since formed a coalition with the present Government-the press of both these parties were mitting in their blame of Her Majesty's then Ministers, in regard to the anxiety which they showed to confirm our alliance, not only with France and with the French unre mouthpiece-of noble Lords opposite, that if our party should go out of office, and the Opposition should come in, a different line of policy would be pursued. The Opposition did come into office very soon afterwards, and is it possible to believe that the Emperor of Russia would not consider that the same anxiety did not exist in the new Cabinet to form an alliance, not only with France, but with the new dynasty of France, which had existed on the part of the preceding Government? The eyes of Russia, as well as of other Powers, were fixed upon the conduct of the new Government, and what was the first thing that happened? Within a month after the new Government accepted office, two of its Members addressed their constituents in two different boroughs of England, in a manner which both in expression and in spirit was deeply offensive to the French people and the French Emperor. Those speeches were afterwards explained. How they were explained I do not know; but we | portunity that we could wish for, of conwere told by my noble Friend, when he ad- vincing him that the two countries were dressed your Lordships last August, that united hand in hand, and upon the Eastern the Emperor of the French had good sense and good feeling enough to understand the motives of those speeches, and not to be offended at them. I perfectly believe that the Emperor of the French has this advantage over other Sovereigns, that, through a life of vicissitudes, he has mixed with society of all grades and classes, and having lived a long time in this country, he knows as well; he knows our peculiarities-I will not say our eccentricities-and he knows that speeches of this kind are to be interpreted according to the hour of the day at which they are made, and the place where they are delivered. They were, therefore, excused by him, and it is not with respect to him that I mention them; but it is certain, and I know it for a fact, that having been uttered so soon after the accession of a Ministry upon which the eyes of all the European Governments were fixed, they made a strong impression upon those Governments that some of Her Majesty's Ministers at least were in their inmost minds averse, if not hostile, to any alliance with the new dynasty of France. Now, my Lords, I believe the Emperor of Russia was deceived by these two events happening. However my noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs may say that he had no suspicion of the views of the Russian Emperor until last April, one at least of Her Majesty's servants, employed at Constantinople, did not stand in the same position. He did suspect those views, and I believe it was more than suspicion that induced Colonel Rose, our Chargé d'Affaires at Constantinople, to send a message to the English fleet to approach the shores of the East, without mentioning any particular spot to which he wished it to repair, but stating it to be of great importance that the fleet should approach the Turkish coast. I happened to be at Paris on the 19th March, and I know that the French Government was most anxious that Colonel Rose's request should be complied with, and were convinced that the safest and best course would be to send the French fleet to the East. My Lords, at this moment the best possible opportunity was presented to us of undeceiving the Emperor of Russia, and of disabusing his mind of any doubt as to the sincerity of our alliauce with France. We had the best op question prepared to act cordially together. But what did Her Majesty's Government do? They showed the Emperor of Russia that there was a difference in their councils. The French Government met the request of Colonel Rose by sending the French fleet further eastward than it was beforethe British Government ordered the British fleet to remain immoveable at Malta. Do you think that did not confirm in the mind of the Czar his previous impression that your alliance with France was not hearty? I believe that it did make a great impression, and that all the negotiations afterwards suffered from the impression that there was a difference of opinion between the two Governments. Instead of going arm in arm with the French Government, and showing the closest identity of thought and action, Her Majesty's Government allowed this difference to be continued perceptible as the negotiations proceeded, and our Government still failed to show that there was that perfect identity between it and the French Government which was on all accounts so essential. The first manifesto of Count Nesselrode was equally in defiance-a public defiance-to both countries; but while the French Government answered it ably, firmly, and boldly, the British Government did not answer it at all. Then came the second manifesto, which was also ably answered by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, on the part of the French Government, but by the English Government not at all. I say not at all, because an answer to a defiance of that sort sent privately--a mere whisper from the Foreign Office to a loud defiance from the Throne of Russia-was no answer whatever. It was not the Emperor of Russia that it was important to answer; but it was important that a reply should be given to his document in the face of Europe, which should show the animus and intentions of Her Majesty's Government. I repeat that I shall not enter into details to-night, unarmed as I am, but I perfectly agree with the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Clanricarde) that more vigour and energy in time might have saved us from the impending war. God forbid that I, or any man on this side of the House, should not be ready to praise Iler Majesty's Government for doing all in their power to avert war! It is not for endeavouring to avert war |