"have.

cians and the people, "Do you not see, said they, "in what contempt you live? They would take "from you, if they could, a part of the very light "of heaven. They are in pain that you breathe "the same air with them, that you talk the same language, and have the same figure of men, as they Can any thing be more insulting and dis"graceful, than to declare one part of the city un"worthy of being allied to the patricians, as though "they were polluted and impure? And as to digni"ties, has the republic any cause to be dissatisfied "with the service of the plebeians, in all the offices "confided to them? There is now nothing wanting "to them but the consulship. And in that for the "future they ought to believe their safety and li"berty consist; nor, till they have obtained it, can "they hold themselves really free, or that they have "actually thrown off the yoke of servitude and tyranny [2]."

The senators were sometimes no less transported with violence and passion. [a] Whatever was granted to the people in confirmation of their liberty, was looked upon as so much lost to them. [b] And though they owned that the younger part of their body were frequently too warm and zealous, yet, if one side or

[z] Ecquid sentitis in quanto contemtu vivatis? Lucis vobis hujus partem, si liceat, adimant. Quod spiratis, quòd vocem mittitis, quòd formas hominum habetis, indignantur. . . . An esse ulla major aut insignior contumelia potest, quàm partem civitatis, velut contaminatam, indignam connubio haberi? Liv. lib. 4. n. 3, and 4.

Nullius eorum (qui ex plebe creati sint tribuni militum) populum Romanum pœnituisse. Consulatum superesse plebeiis. Eam esse arcem libertatis, id columen. Si eò perventum sit, tum populum Romanum verè exactos ex urbe reges, & stabilem libertatem suam existí

4

maturum. Liv. lib. 6. n. 37.

[a] Quicquid libertati plebis caveretur, id patres decedere suis opibus credebant. Liv. lib. 3. n. 55.

[b]Seniores patrum, ut nimis feroces suos credere juvenes esse, ita malle, si modus excedendus esset, suis quàm adversariis superesse animos. Adeò moderatio tuendæ libertatis, dum æquari velle simulando ita se quisque extollit, ut deprimat alium, in difficili est; cavendoque ne metuant homines, metuendos ultrò se efficiunt; & injuriam à nobis repulsam, tanquam aut facere aut pati necesse sit, injungimus aliis. Ibid. n. 65.

other

other was to go beyond the bounds of decency, they rather chose to see the matter pushed too far on the side of their faction, than on that of their adversaries; so difficult it is, says Livy, in disputes of this nature, where a perfect equality is pretended to be observed between the two parties, to keep the balance in so just an equilibrium, as not to incline to one side more than the other; every one insensibly endeavouring to raise himself, in order to depress his adversary, and to make himself formidable, that he may be under no apprehension from him, as if there was no mediun betwixt doing and receiving an injury.

It must be owned however, to the glory of the Roman people, that this disposition [c] which seemed ready to have recourse to the last extremities, and break out into bloody seditions, the usual source and cause of the ruin of great empires, was long restrained, and in a manner suspended, partly by the wisdom of the senators, and partly by the patience of the people; and for above six hundred years, as we have already observed, these domestic disputes never degenerated into civil wars.

There were always grave and discreet men in the senate, zealous for the public good [d], and alike avoiding the two opposite extremes, either of betraying the interests of the senate to gain the favour of the people, or of irritating and provoking the people by declaring too warmly for the senate; who managed so as to induce both parties to a reconciliation, and by prudent condescensions to prevent the fatal consequences, which too obstinate a resistance must have inevitably induced.

[c] Eternas esse opes Romanas, nisi inter semet ipsi seditionibus sæviant. Id unum venenum, eam labem civitatibus opulentis repertam, ut magna imperia mortalia essent. Diu sustentatum id malum, partim patrum consiliis, partim patientiâ plebis. Liv. lib. 2. n. 44.

F 2

[d] Alios consules, aut per pro ditionem dignitatis patrum plebi adulatos, aut acerbè tuendo ˆjura ordinis, asperiorem domando multitudinem fecisse; T. Quintiun orationem memorem majestatis patrum concordiæque,ordinuni habuisse. Liv. lib. 3. n. 69.

They

[c] They represented to their consuls when too hot and violent, as Appius was, that they should not attempt to carry the consular power beyond the just bounds, which the common benefit of peace and concord required'; 'that whilst the tribunes and the consuls were engaged in drawing over all they could to their separate interests, the republic, torn and divided, was reduced to a languishing condition, both parties being more intent upon ruling than preserving it. [f] They represented also to the tribunes, that it would be neither glorious nor advantageous to them, to found and enlarge their authority upon the ruin of the senate, which was the public council; and that the only means to establish the liberty of Rome, and support an equality among the citizens, was to maintain each order of the state in its just rights and privileges.

་

The people on their side shewed sometimes a surprising temper and moderation, and behaved with a generosity one would scarce think a multitude capable of: as may be seen in the following instance of an assembly, where they appeared at first more exasperated than ever. The people seemed resolved not to take up arms against the enemy, who were then in the field, unless they were admitted to have a share in the government. The senate, finding they must either submit to the people or the enemy, after having given up the business of marriages to no purpose, judged it requisite to do the same in regard to the public employments; and having proposed to nominate military tribunes instead of consuls, they consented that the plebeians should be admitted to that employment. [g] The event proved, that after the heat and fire of

[e] Ab Appio petitur, ut tantam consularem majestatem esse vellet, quanta in concordi civitate esse posset. Dum tribuni consulesque ad se quisque omnia trahant, nihil relictum esse virium in medio; distractam laceratamque rempublicam magis quorum in manu sit, quam ut incolumis sit, quæri. Liv. lib. 2. n. 57.

[f] Ne ita omnia tribum potes

Ita

tatis suæ implerent, ut nullum publicum consilium sinerent esse. demum liberam civitatem fore, ita æquatas leges, si sua quisque jura ordo, suam majestatem teneat. Liv. lib. 3. n. 63.

[g] Eventus eorum comitiorum docuit, alios animos in contentione libertatis dignitatisque, alios secùndùm deposita certamina incorrupto judicio esse. Liv. lib. 4. n. 6.

"the

the dispute was over, and they were calm enough to judge of matters as they ought, the people were quite different from what they were whilst it subsisted. For, satisfied with the condescension of the senate, they nominated none but patricians to be military tribunes, with a moderation, says Livy, an equity, and greatness of soul, seldom found even in one man. Hanc modestiam, æquitatemque, & altitudinem animi, ubi nunc in uno inveneris, quæ tunc populi universi fuit?

THE THIRD PIECE OF ROMAN HISTORY.

THE SPACE OF THREE AND FIFTY YEARS, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR TO THE DEFEAT OF PERSEUS.

For the third portion of Roman history, I take that term which Polybius chose for the subject of his performance; I mean the three and fifty years which passed from the beginning of the second Punic war to the end of the Macedonian, which concluded with the overthrow and captivity of Perseus, and the destruction of his kingdom.

Polybius looks upon this interval as the most flourishing age of the Roman republic, an age which produced the greatest men, and displayed the most shining virtues; in which the greatest and most important events happened, and, in a word, wherein the Ro mans began to enter upon the possession of that vast empire, which afterwards included almost every part of the then known world, and by a continual and very swift progress arrived at that degree of grandeur and power, which has made it the admiration of the whole universe.

Now, as the establishment of the Roman empire was, according to [h] Polybius, the most wonderful work of Divine Providence, and could not be regarded as the effect of chance and a blind fortune, but as the consequence of a pre-conceived design, concerted with weight and measure, and conducted by an infallible [h] Polyb. lib. 1,

wisdom, is it not, as the same author farther observes, a very commendable curiosity, and worthy the best understanding, to enquire what was the time, what the preparatives, what the means, and who the instruments, in carrying on so glorious and noble an enterprise to its execution?

Polybius, who is the most judicious historian extant, and was himself a great soldier and politician, had shewn this at large in the history he wrote, of which the small remains we have, give us great reason to lament the loss of the rest. This I also shall endeavour to trace in this piece of the Roman history, though very briefly: I intend, however, to introduce into my discourse, what I shall judge most beautiful in Polybius, Livy, and Plutarch, which are the originals from whence I shall extract the best part of what I have to say upon this subject, with reference either to the facts themselves, or the reflections I shall make upon them.

CHAP. I.

A NARRATIVE OF THE FAC IS.

I SHALL begin with relating the principal events which fell out in the time I am speaking of, that I may thereby give such of my readers, as are unacquainted with this branch of history, some slight idea of it.

THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR, AND SUCCESSES OF HANNIBAL.

[a] The beginning of the second Punic war, if we look only upon the date of time, was the taking of Saguntum by Hannibal, and the irruption he made into the country situate beyond the Ebro, which was allied to the people of Rome; but the real cause of it was the indignation of the Carthaginians, at seeing themselves deprived of Sicily and Sardinia, by trea[a] Liv. lib. xxi. n. 1-20.