sulting Mr. Adams's envoys—until finally, in 1798, the Prince Godoy told his King that Spain must free herself from the French influence, or he must resign. He resigned.

But now there was to be war-Mr. Adams's Warbetween France and America; General Hamilton was second in command; with the help of an American squadron, Toussaint L'Ouverture-the great leader of the revolted blacks, the "Bonaparte of Santo Domingo"-was wresting that island province from its French allegiance; at New Orleans, the Spanish Intendant had threatened to close the Mississippi again; the Southwest was in a turmoil, and enlisting twelve regiments, ostensibly for the French war but really for the Spanish one for which the whole region was confidently praying; and Don Francisco de Miranda was writing curious letters to General Hamilton.

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Godoy, Talleyrand, Napoleon, Toussaint, Miranda -the romantic, portentous figures were gathering upon the American stage.

He was a Spaniard, a South American, this Francisco de Miranda, a crusader for independence who aspired to become the liberator of his country. "During our revolutionary war," John Adams wrote to James Lloyd, in 1815, “General Miranda came to the United States, travelled through many, if not all of them, was introduced to General Washington and his aids and secretaries, and all the gentlemen of his family, to the other general officers and their families, and to many of the colonels. He acquired

the character of a classical scholar, of a man of universal knowledge, of a great general and master of all the military sciences, and of great sagacity, an inquisitive mind, and insatiable curiosity.

"It was a general opinion and report that he knew more of the families, parties and connections in the United States than any other man in them; that he knew more of every campaign, siege, battle and skirmish that had ever occurred in the whole war than any officer of an army, or any statesman in our councils. His constant topic was the independence of South America, her immense wealth, inexhaustible resources, innumerable population, impatience under the Spanish yoke, and disposition to throw off the dominion of Spain. It is most certain that he filled the heads of many of the young officers with brilliant visions of wealth, free trade, republican government, etc., etc., in South America.

"Hamilton was one of his most intimate friends and confidential admirers, and Colonel Smith, I presume, was another. Of Burr I will say nothing, because I know nothing with certainty. Of Dayton I will say but little. Of Wilkinson, nothing at all, at present General Knox was also one of his intimates."

And now, in 1798, General Miranda-they were all Generals-was in London, at the invitation of Prime Minister Pitt, to lay before him certain interesting proposals. "South America must soon pass through a revolution," Rufus King was writing from the British capital in April. "We have an immense interest in the event, as well as in the

manner in which it shall be effected." And General Miranda's idea was simply this. England was to furnish the money, and a fleet of not more than twenty ships of the line; America was to supply an army of five thousand foot and two thousand horse, preferably under the command of General Hamilton; together they would descend upon the Spanish possessions in the West Indies and in South America. In return, America was to have the Floridas and the territory east of the Mississippi; England the control of the Isthmus, the West Indies and certain exclusive commercial privileges; and General Miranda, presumably, an emancipated continent. Owing to the lethargy and debility of the Spanish giant, the plan was not as fanciful as might appear; it had, in fact, occurred some five years before to the French, and the arousing of America to its support had found its way into the confidential instructions of the Citizen Genêt, whose agents had overrun Kentucky securing enlistments and issuing commissions.

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From the extracts published by Mr. Antepara in 1808, in the Edinburgh Review, one may obtain some conception of the correspondence which passed between General Miranda and General Hamilton on the subject. "This letter will be handed you, my dear and respected friend," General Miranda wrote, on April 6, 1798, "by my fellow countryman who brings dispatches of the utmost importance for the President of the United States; he will tell you confidentially all that you wish to know on the sub

ject. It seems that the moment for our emancipation approaches, and that the establishment of liberty throughout the entire continent of the new world has been entrusted to us by Providence. The only danger I foresee would be the introduction of French principles which would poison liberty in its cradle, and end by destroying yours in the near future."

To this General Hamilton replied, on August 22, that "I have lately received, by duplicates, your letter of the 6th of April, with a postscript of the 9th of June. The gentleman you mention in it has not made his appearance to me, nor do I know of his arrival in this country; so that I can only divine the object from the limits in your letter.

"The sentiments I entertain with regard to that object have been long since in your knowledge; but I could personally have no participation in it, unless patronized by the government of this country. It was my wish that matters had been ripened for a co-operation in the course of this fall, on the part of this country; but this can now scarce be the case. The winter, however, may mature the project and an effectual co-operation by the United States may take place. In this case I shall be happy, in my official station, to be an instrument of so good a work.

"The plan, in my opinion, ought to be a fleet of Great Britain, an army of the United States-a government for the liberated territories, agreeable to both the co-operators, about which there will probably be no difficulty. To arrange the plan, a competent authority from Great Britain to some person here, is the best expedient. Your presence here will,