to accommodate it to the time, and to bring things more gradually and more furely to the one great end propofed.

The first part of the reformed plan was to draw a line which should feparate the Court from the Miniftry. Hitherto thefe names had been looked upon as fynonymous; but for the future, Court and Administration were to be confidered as things totally diftinct. By this operation, two fyftems of Adminiftration were to be formed; one which should be in the real secret and confidence; the other merely oftenfible, to perform the official and executory duties of Government. The latter were alone to be responsible; whilft the real advifers, who enjoyed all the power, were effectually removed from all the danger.

Secondly, A party under thefe leaders was to be formed in favour of the Court against the Ministry: this party was to have a large fhare in the emoluments of Government, and to hold it totally feparate from, and independent of, oftenfible Administration.

The third point, and that on which the fuccefs of the whole scheme ultimately depended, was to bring Parliament to an acquiefcence in this project. Parliament was therefore to be taught by degrees a total indifference to the perfons, rank, influence, abilities, connexions, and character, of the Minifters of the Crown. By means of a difcipline, on which I thall fay more hereafter, that body was to be habituated to the moft oppofite in terefts, and the moft difcordant politicks.

politicks. All connexions and dependencies among fubjects were to be entirely diffolved. As hitherto bufinefs had gone through the hands of leaders of Whigs or Tories, men of talents to conciliate the people, and engage to their confidence, now the method was to be altered; and the lead was to be given to men of no fort of confideration or credit in the country. This want of natural importance was to be their very title to delegated power. Members of Parliament were to be hardened into an infenfibility to pride as well as to duty. Those high and haughty fentiments, which are the great fupport of independence, were to be let down gradually. Point of honour and precedence were no more to be regarded in Parliamentary decorum, than in a Turkish army. It was to be avowed as a conftitutional maxim, that the King might appoint one of his footmen, or one of your footmen, for Minifter; and that he ought to be, and that he would be, as well followed as the first name for rank or wisdom in the nation. Thus Parliament was to look on, as if perfectly unconcerned; while a cabal of the clofer and back-ftairs was fubftituted in the place of a national Administration.

With fuch a degree of acquiefcence, any measure of any Court might well be deemed thoroughly fecure. The capital objects, and by much the moft flattering characteristicks of arbitrary power, would be obtained. Every thing would be drawn from its holdings in the country to the perfonal favour and inclination of the C Prince.

Prince. This favour would be the fole introduction to power, and the only tenure by which it was to be held: fo that no perfon looking towards another, and all looking towards the Court, it was impoffible but that the motive which folely influenced every man's hopes must come in time to govern every man's conduct; till at last the servility became universal, in spite of the dead letter of any laws or inftitutions whatsoever.

How it should happen that any man could be tempted to venture upon fuch a project of Government, may at first view appear furprizing. But the fact is, that opportunities vary inviting to fuch an attempt have offered; and the fcheme itself was not deftitute of fome arguments not wholly unplaufible to recommend it. Thefe opportunities and these arguments, the ufe that has been made of both, the plan for carrying this new scheme of government into execution, and the effects which it has produced, are in my opinion worthy of our ferious confideration.

His Majefty came to the throne of these kingdoms with more advantages than any of his predeceffors fince the Revolution. Fourth in descent, and third in fucceffion of his Royal family, even the zealots of hereditary right, in him, faw fomething to flatter their favourite prejudices; and to justify a transfer of their attachments, without a change in their principles. The perfon and cause of the Pretender were become contemptible; his title difowned throughout Europe, his party difbanded in England.

3

His

His Majesty came indeed to the inheritance of a mighty war; but, victorious in every part of the globe, peace was always in his power, not to negociate, but to dictate. No foreign habitudes or attachments withdrew him from the cultivation of his power at home. power at home. His revenue for the civil establishment, fixed (as it was then thought) at a large, but definite fum, was ample, without being invidious. His influence, by additions from conqueft, by an augmentation of debt, by an increase of military and naval eftablishment, much ftrengthened and extended. And coming to the throne in the prime and full vigour of youth, as from affection there was a ftrong diflike, fo from dread there feemed to be a general averfeness, from giving any thing like offence to a Monarch, against whofe refentment oppofition could not look for a refuge in any fort of reverfionary hope.

These fingular advantages infpired his Majesty only with a more ardent defire to preferve unimpaired the fpirit of that national freedom, to which he owed a fituation fo full of glory. But to others it fuggefted fentiments of a very different nature. They thought they now beheld an opportunity (by a certain fort of Statefmen never long undiscovered or unemployed) of drawing to themfelves, by the aggrandifement of a Court Faction, a degree of power which they could never hope to derive from natural influence or from honourable service; and which it was impoffible they could hold with the least fecurity, whilft the fyftem of Administration C 2

refted

refted upon its former bottom. In order to facilitate the execution of their defign, it was. neceffary to make many alterations in political arrangement, and a fignal change in the opinions, habits, and connexions of the greatest part of those who at that time acted in publick.

In the first place, they proceeded gradually, but not flowly, to destroy every thing of strength which did not derive its principal nourishment from the immediate pleasure of the Court. The greatest weight of popular opinion and party connexion were then with the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt. Neither of these held their importance by the new tenure of the Court; they were not therefore thought to be fo proper as others for the fervices which were required by that tenure. It happened very favourably for the new fyftem, that under a forced coalition there rankled an incurable alienation and disgust between the parties which compofed the Adminiftration. Mr. Pitt was first attacked. Not fatisfied with removing him from power, they endeavoured by various artifices to ruin his character. The other party feemed rather pleafed to get rid of fo oppreffive a fupport; not perceiving, that their own fall was prepared by his, and involved in it. Many other reafons prevented them from daring to look their true fituation in the face. To the great Whig families it was extremely difagreeable, and feemed almoft unnatural, to oppofe the Adminiftration of a Prince of the Houfe of Brunswick. Day after day they hefitated, and doubted, and lingered,

expecting