merce of the equalisation of the sugar | effect of legislation on the Mauritius. duties between the East and West Indies. This document explains all. Besides the Of that evidence I will give the results 2,600,000l. of capital which, by your vote briefly, not with the pomp of figures, but of so-called compensation, was invested in contenting myself with referring Gentle- that colony, besides the expenditure by men to documents accessible to them. which, in spite of restrictions the most Avoiding the details, this I know to be the vexatious, of a system of colonial legisla result, that the great, I might say the im- tion which can only be accounted for by mense increase in our trade produced by the fear, the disgraceful fear of the ignothat change was in the coarsest materials rant prejudices of the metropolis, by which used by the lowest of the population-that 90,000 Coolies were, in a certain number our exports were not increased mainly by of years, imported into the Mauritius, more the wealthy and the powerful; but that than 2,000,000l. sterling of English canumerous classes of consumers who had pital was invested in the Mauritius by never before expended their gains in the houses connected with that colony-an unpurchase of Manchester goods now came precedented example of energy and enterinto the market to seek them, and return- prise. And what has been the result? ed to us the articles we required in ex- Ruin-utter and complete ruin. I should change for the materials they wanted for be wrong, however, in saying, that this is their turbans and their robes; and thus the greatest, the last, or the bitterest conadded to our imports more than two mil- sequence of our conduct. No, the bitlions sterling. That was a remarkable in- terest consequence is, that, after having stance of the effect of our legislation, and for years filled, in this House, the posi I want to know whether you have consi- tion of honourable men men whose acdered-whether you have well considered, quaintance we were proud to cultivatewhat is the present state of India, I need men whose intelligence we were only too not dwell upon the capitalists who have in- ready to secure for our Committees they vested their funds in sugar cultivation, and are held up to public scorn and contumely for whom the hon. Gentleman, then Mem- as unprincipled people-as people who inber for Beverley, was the bail. We know dulged in over-trading, in rash speculation the termination of their career. All those great capitalists have disappeared from the commercial world. But you will have to consider what has been the effect of your legislation upon those poor ryots whom you called into existence as producers by the demand you stimulated for their produce, and for which you paid them by your manufacturing industry. This has been the effect upon India of your great change in the law. The great capitalists have disappeared, and the native producers have shown their sense of your legislation by ceasing to be purchasers of your goods. But what has been the effect of your great change upon the Mauritius? We have heard a great deal about compensation. I will not now enter into the circumstances; but the portion of compensation allotted to the Mauritius was, I believe, 2,600,000l. sterling, calculated upon an estimate of 60,000 slaves. What further sums were expended on that colony? I will not read the details; but I have here a document, of which I will give you the result in two lines-a result drawn up, I am sorry to say, by a gentleman-second to none in honour and intelligence, who was once a Member of this House, and who knew, by fatal experience, the ruinous who have suffered, not from the consequences of our own ignorant and deceptive legislation, but from their own rapacity, and whose fate has been brought on by circumstances which all merchants, at all times, should be prepared to encounter. Well, Sir, this much, in allusion to India and the Mauritius, those countries to which the debate on this question has given, as it were, the go-by. We talk of the West Indies, we argue the case of the West Indies, with all its peculiar and perhaps anomalous circumstances; and we are told that India had no slaves, that the Mauritius had no slaves, and that, therefore, they have no right to complain of our legisla tion. But, without giving any opinion at this moment as to the West Indies, to which consideration I approach, I say that, of all our mistakes, of all our political errors, there is none more profound or more grievous, in connexion with this subject, than our commercial conduct towards India, and there is none more bitter and heartrending than our behaviour towards the Mauritius. I now come to the question of the West Indies. No one doubts the position of those islands. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Westbury (Mr. Wilson), who addressed us to-night with that ingenuity and that information which entitle him, at all times, of the right hon. Gentleman's speech, the to our consideration and respect al- whole effect of which speech was to prove though he qualified his speech with kind- that no remedial arrangement could have ly expressions, which might send forth a any beneficial effect. He said he could hope, even to those out of doors whom he not flatter himself that his measures would may meet on 'Change to-morrow, and to prove entirely satisfactory to the West whom he may be able to say, that no word Indians. I quite agree with him upon of bitterness had escaped him with refer- that head. I need not dwell upon the ence to the West Indian colonies—the hon. suggestions made by the right hon. GentleGentleman, although he indulged in de- man, except as the representative of no intails which, in some instances, I will ad- considerable constituency-living in an vert to, but which scarcely at all touch the age of economy-trembling for the annual great question, seemed to convey in dulcet budget during the next nervous fortnight. tones to the House his decided conviction I beg to declare my disapproval of the that, with regard to the West Indies, the vote of 200,000l. proposed by the right game was up-that the sooner we made up hon. Gentleman. If I thought the expenour minds to meet an inevitable catastrophe diture of 200,000l. for the purpose of imthe better it would be for all parties-and migration, would benefit the colonies, I that, for the future, we must sweeten our should be the last man to oppose it. But tea, as best we can, with beet-root sugar-I am quite of a different opinion—I think and that there would in future be no occasion to send for this luxury to the tropics. That, I am sure, is not a misrepresentation of the able speech of the hon. Gentleman. Now I am not disposed to deny, that, if the hon. Gentleman is satisfied to sweeten his tea with beet-root sugar, that he may produce that sugar even in this kingdom. But I remember the time when war was made on beet-root sugar. I remember the time when we were told that the existence of beet-root sugar was one of the abuses of protection-that protection created it-that protection fostered it; and I should have supposed that any country adopting the idea of growing beet-root sugar would be voted to have committed an outrage on the principles of the Political Economy Club. Napoleon was in general deemed to be a great generalby some he was supposed to be a greater statesman than warrior; but almost universally it was admitted that he was a very bad political economist, and that he never made a greater mistake, not even when he established the continental blockade, than his forcing the cultivation of beet-root sugar. But this is what the economical oracle now calls the perfection of wisdom. In his idea, beet-root sugar is everything. The beauties of slave-grown sugar must pale before the charms of beet-root. This being the state of the West Indians-this being the acknowledged desperately perilous state of the colonists-what is the course proposed by her Majesty's Ministers? The Chancellor of the Exchequer announced some measures-some proposition as a remedy for the condition he deplores. The measures are announced at the end that the grant would be so much money The hon. Gentleman the Member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring), in his able speech, referred to the declarations of the Government in 1846, when the Bill was proposed. They then said that it would regenerate the commerce of the country-that it would pour capital into the colonies-that it would accumulate labour in districts where it was deficient that it would terminate once for all the question of colonial distress-of which we have heard so much in that period during which most of us have been Members of this House-and that it would act as a climax and completion of those great measures which they had not proposed, but to their honour-if they would find that more complaints were made in that House on the part of the planters during the most palmy days of protection, than had been heard of late years; and the noble Lord might rest satisfied that a system of free trade and open competition would be most beneficial for all parties concerned; that it would lead to greater economy of production, be the means of embarking more capital in the growth and manufacture of sugar, and tend to the general prosperity of the whole population." it be honour-they had suggested. Have | into.] He was drawing the attention of the House the occurrences of the last twenty months to the petition, and he found that one of its prayers justified their views? Have they increased was, that the petitioners should be permitted to have their sugar imported duty free. But, at all your confidence in the Ministry since events, the noble Lord was in favour of at least 1846? What evidence is there that the 50 per cent being imposed as a protection to the Ministry have so deeply studied the ques- West India planters. Now, if they were to refer tion as to become fitting guides and lead-to the entire history of the West India colonies, ers? The noble Lord the Member for King's Lynn referred to a speech made by an Under Secretary of State, at the fag-end of the last Session. This speech is valuable, because it gives authentic proof of the knowledge of the opinions and prospects on the subject of Her Majesty's Ministers at that period. I have here the extract, and I think it important, as an opinion given by a Member of Government engaged in that department peculiarly connected with the colonies, that the House should understand what, at the end of the Session of 1847, were the views really entertained by an Under Secretary of State for the Colonies. This was the opinion in 1847. In quoting the words of that Gentleman, I have no wish to speak in terms disparaging of one who is absent. No one more regrets the absence of Mr. Hawes from this House than I do. Few displayed a more lucid intelligence or more complete habits of business than that Gentleman. Irrespective of all party considerations, I look upon the absence of Mr. Hawes from this House as a public loss. But, as I before remarked, I attach importance to his speech, because I believe he conveyed correctly the opinions of the Government of which he is a Member, and would give them matured by his own study, and the naturally critical spirit of his intelligent mind. This, then, Sir, is the opinion of Mr. Hawes, literatim, to which my noble Friend referred last night. My noble Friend, whose attention was fixed on this question, who, from the principles which he most conscientiously maintains upon commercial subjects, foresaw the difficulties which were impending, presented a petition which called forth this remark from that Member of the Government who represents the colonies : : I quote this to show what really was the knowledge possessed by the Ministry on the subject; and what is the answer to it? The answer to it is, the fall of every firm of importance connected with the East Indies and the Mauritius-Cabinet councils held four times a week—and the Bank Charter Act virtually repealed; while the Chancellor of the Exchequer was vomiting forth a protest against his own measure. But we come, after the unimportant but avowed remedies, to the secret and inuendo remedies of Her Majesty's Government, in order to prevent the utter destruction of the colonial interest. The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer treated us with an explanation of those remedies last night. There were ten minutes devoted to molasses and emigration— to the idea of curing these deep-seated evils by a loan less than the sum which the same Government would expend upon a wing of the New House of Commons; and an hour and a half to the real remedies. And here they are. The first is competition. Sir, we have heard of that before. I remember that the noble Lord, whose absence I regret-the First Minister that very night on which he did me the honour of following me in debate, on the occasion of our making the last effort, in 1846, to support this interest—I remember that the noble Lord, with that grand manner which becomes him, and which he seems to me never to assume with greater felicity than when he is going to announce something which cannot, in any Mauritius, and he would find that there the great-practical way, influence the conduct of the est prosperity was manifest, and that the produc- country · the noble Lord said, he had tion of sugar had immensely increased. He would not only hope but conviction that the ask, if it was for a moment to be supposed that means by which the colonies would be these petitioners could be favoured by the admistion of their produce free of duty? [Lord G. BEN- able--not to extricate themselves from difTINCK had not made any proposition of that kind, ficulties, for then they were not involved but simply that an inquiry should be entered in them-but to meet all those dangers VOL. XCVI. Third "The noble Lord had confined his attention to the West India Islands; but let him turn to the F which might possibly occur, was compe- | have regulated your conduct by abstract tition. Tell a Government of the present principles without any reference to them, day that a million of Her Majesty's sub- and you find yourselves involved in inextrijects, previously enjoying great prosperity, cable confusion. A sage, with whom we are suddenly involved in almost inextricable are all familiar, has said that "experience difficulty: tell them that the sugar colonies is the test of truths, and that practice is of the empire are in a perilous position, and always confounding the theories of man.' all classes connected with them-proprie- So it is with the artificial rivalry you have tors, merchants, shipowners, labourers created between the Spanish and the Engagree in attributing their danger and suf- lish colonies. What is the consequence, fering to our inconsistent and vacillating in this instance, of your acting upon ablegislation; and the Government have al-stract principles without the least referways one peculiar class of remedies at hand. ence to circumstances? Why, that in These remedies appear to consist of a cer- exact proportion to the labour for which tain number of abstract qualities and cardi- the Spaniard pays nothing, and for which nal virtues. Competition is always at the the Englishman pays a great deal, you head of the list: then follow, you may be are creating a differential duty in favour sure, energy and enterprise. These reme- of the Spaniard. You are in fact creating dies are not facts-they are only phrases. a protection, and not, in a certain sense, What is this competition, of whose divine inconsistently. You are, at least, consisinfluence we hear so much? Define it, tell tent in not extending your protection to naus its sex and character. Is it a demigod or tive industry; for it is not protection to the a nymph? It inspires all their solutions Englishman you are creating, but to the of economical difficulties. Is the shipping Spaniard. The free-trade party and the interest in decay? Competition will renovate free-trade Government, after all their wonit. Are the colonies in despair? Energy derful promises and astounding prognostiwill save them. Is the agricultural inter-cations, terminate their career by the estabest in danger? Enterprise is the panacea. The Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech follows that of the First Minister of the Crown: it is concocted of the same phrases, and modelled in the same form. But I want Her Majesty's Ministers to inform me what they mean by competition. I had always understood that competition meant this at least, that the rivals should be in equal circumstances. My hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon to-night made a race between a horse and a steam-engine. But I will take an evener and more equal sort of race-a race between two horses. Even between two horses the weights are adjusted, that the struggle should be fair. The essence of just competition is, that the circumstances should be equal between those who compete. Now, I ask you, are the circumstances equal between an English colony under your present system of legislation, and a Spanish colony under the system to which they are subjected? You may explain the circumstances one way; others may contradict your version. But the impartial historian may possibly hereafter describe it thus: "In the Spanish colonies, there is an abundance of labour for which they pay nothing; and in the English colonies, there is a scarcity of labour for which they pay a great deal." Where are the circumstances which only for a time. constitute an equal competition? You lect that on this lishment of protecting duties in favour of Cuba, of Porto Rico, and of Brazil. It is a consequence of being governed by phrases instead of facts. Competition between Yorkshire and Lancashire - competition between Jamaica and Barbadoes-I can understand; but competition between Jamaica and Cuba, under the circumstances that exist, is only a word invented for Downing-street and St. Stephen's - a phrase intended only for the use of men who are giving you their thoughtless votes, but votes which they will some day remember with bitterness of reminiscence which the hustings only can recall. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Hull seems to be dissatisfied by this remark. I will not stop to inquire what would have been his reception, had he appeared before his constituents as an anti-slavery advocate, instead of an advocate for cheap sugar; yet some years ago at Hull matters were rather different. Hon. Gentlemen opposite are always talking to us about public opinion. I respect public opinion; but I remember the words of a great poet, which should be rendered here in the vernacular-"Opinion is stronger than truth," said Sophocles; and, believe me, there is something in that saying. But although opinion may be stronger than truth, it is Gentlemen should recolsubject the history of England will not exactly offer an embla- | had not the slightest faith in treaties soned page. I do not think the history of of commerce. In the year 1846 I begged any country records so much inconsistency to remind the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. and injustice, or can discover a narrative Gibson) of the circumstances of Brazil. I of so much injury inflicted upon national begged to remind him that the European interests, as is exhibited in the matter population of Brazil was not equal proof the abolition of slavery by the Eng- bably to one-half the population of the melish people; and I attribute it simply to this tropolis in which we reside, and that the reason, namely, that we entered upon the rest consisted of three millions and a half enterprise without sufficient knowledge of of slaves-that it could not be placed in the subject. It was an exciting topic-it comparison with an English colony in was addressed to an insular people of point of civilisation-and that, of course, strong purpose, but very deficient infor- it must be deficient in those wants which mation it was cherished by a great are the consequences of civilisation, and party as promising to lead to political which are the stimulants to commerce in power. But the course of time, which supplying them. I told him that, after all, settles everything, has entombed the great- putting all the West Indian colonies togeest blunder that was ever committed by ther, it was a question between the English the English people. They now find, that colonies and the Portuguese colonies; and as in pandering to the ambition of great men, I thought the English colonies would afford they have not only incurred immense pe- a far better trade than the Portuguese, I cuniary sacrifices, but ruined, perhaps, the preferred leaning to them. But he was noblest appendage of the empire, and an apostle then of the creed of buying in stimulated by prohibiting-perhaps even the cheapest market and selling in the perpetuated slavery in every part of the dearest, which he calls free trade. And world where slavery existed before. But what is the result of our sacrificing our there is another class of observations- West India colonies? I do not decide and observations of a more business-like character-which are always brought forward whenever we make any attempt in behalf of the sugar colonies of this country. When the Cabinet has spoken-when competition has been represented by the Prime Minister-when energy and enterprise have each been exhibited by a Secretary of State-then the still important, though secondary, Members of the Government advance, to vindicate the authentic sources of national wealth. I see a right hon. Gentleman opposite, a Member of the Government, who represents Manchester. And I remember, year after year, when I had the honour of sitting at the other side of the House, that right hon. Gentleman (Mr. M. Gibson) was always calling our attention to the practical and particular evils of our colonial system. But what particularly interested him was, the danger we thereby incurred to our commerce with the great Brazilian empire. In following my right hon. Friend, I suggested to him that it was desirable we should be as well acquainted as practicable with the resources of this great Brazilian empire. Night after night the right hon. Gentleman and the party with whom he acted were in the habit of demanding of the Member for Tamworth whether he had concluded a treaty of commerce with Brazil; and that, too, whilst they were alleging that they upon any mystical statistics. I now have what Dr. Johnson called "the test of truth;" and I know that test has taught us fatal consequences. The increase of your exports to the Brazils is little more than three times the amount of your exports to a single colony, the last victim of your legislation-the Mauritius. Would it not have been desirable to have shown that the industry of Manchester was greatly supported by the Brazils? I want to know from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Manchester, or from some other of those fervent disciples of free trade opposite, what is the amount of encouragement given to the industry of Manchester by the trade with Brazil? I see by the papers of this day that the home trade in Lancashire is improving-that it is reviving; but I did not see or hear anything of the revival of the Brazilian trade. There was no news that the 3,000,000 of slaves, on each of whom not a dollar a year is spent in clothing them, had thrown off their check cotton shirts, and put on the attire of Caciques. I have not yet heard that the returns of our Brazilian trade have been replenishing the coffers of the Exchequer. We have now the official evidence of the extent of this boasted Brazilian commerce; and a more sorry account-a more miserable bill of fare (though what we expected) could not possibly exist. If the |