MR. CRIPPS wished to ask whether the fourth Bill would limit the power of the judges of the local courts to entertain actions for unliquidated damages? He did not know whether the Attorney General had heard any complaints upon the sub tice to bring actions against magistrates, for the mere purpose of harassing them, for what the parties were pleased to call illegal commitments, laying their damages under 20l. He (Mr. Cripps) knew of three most respectable and highly intelligent magistrates who were on the point of sending in their resignations, simply because they had been harassed with ac tions, in which, although they had succeeded in gaining verdicts, they were put to 15l. or 201. expense, and worried for merely doing their duty. the House should concur in his suggestion |ing the indecorum of holding petty sessions to refer the Bills to a Select Committee, in public-houses, it would be a very great a complete code of laws upon this point improvement; the only fear was, that the might be framed, He had adopted the expense, considering the existing charges same course with regard to the duty of upon counties, might hinder its coming magistrates in cases of summary convic- very speedily into operation, He (Sir J. tions, collecting in a second Bill all the Pakington) might say the same with restatutes, and embodying also in it the gard to the payment by salaries. But if various decisions of the courts, and append- he could render any assistance in forwarding a schedule of forms and precedents. ing the objects in view, he should do so In these two Bills he had endeavoured to with great pleasure. introduce nothing new; the House, if they should think fit hereafter to make any improvement in the law upon the subject, could do so, but his object had been simply to collect together the enactments and decisions forming the existing law upon these heads. The third Bill comprised the pro-ject; but it was becoming a common pracvisions applicable to the holding of special and petty sessions, and in that Bill there was some new matter. It would enable the magistrates of the county, if they should think right, to provide fitting places, at the expense of the county, for holding sessions; for he thought it highly inexpedient that they should be held at publichouses, where the witnesses and others must be exposed to great temptations. It would also enable the magistrates in county sessions, if they should think fit, to pay the magistrates' clerk by a salary; and as that payment was to come from the county rate, he proposed to retain the power of receiving fees with the county, and the power of dispensing with them in certain circumstances, but with a further provision, authorising the Secretary of State, in concurrence with the magistrates, to frame one uniform scale of fees to be in operation through the whole of England. The fourth Bill contained a collection of the laws applicable to the protection of magistrates. These matters not being subjects of political importance might not be interesting to many, and, unaided by hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House, he (the Attorney-General) could not hope to succeed in this undertaking; but he should propose to allow a Session to intervene before going into Committee on the Bills, and then he trusted he should have the assistance for which he looked. At all events, he felt that he was taking a step in the right direction. SIR J. PAKINGTON, though, of course, not pledging himself to the details of these measures, could not refrain from expressing his thanks to the hon. and learned Gentleman for his most praiseworthy effort. If arrangements could be made for prevent The ATTORNEY GENERAL had not heard of any complaints of this kind, and had not introduced in these Bills any provision upon the subject; his main object was to consolidate the law, remedying also some defects and difficulties that had arisen in the construction of the statutes; it would be for the House to consider hereafter whether any new enactments should be added of the nature alluded to. He ought to have mentioned that he had placed in the margin references to the books of authority where the present law was to be found; if the forms of the House would allow him to circulate the Bills in that shape, it would be very convenient. MR. HUME suggested that all the references should be appended in a sheet at the end of the Bill. With regard to the question of the hon. Member (Mr. Cripps), he (Mr. Hume) must say, that if the public were not to have the protection of the law, or of the dread of the law, against improper proceedings of justices of the peace, the Government ought to adopt some rule that should prevent any one being appointed a justice till he had been examined and was known to be qualified to act as such. He was opposed to all un-redress is being discussed in a Committee paid services; that might appear singular; up-stairs, these great interests will perish. but he found, in every public department, They say to me that a Committee of Infrom the highest to the lowest, that ser- quiry will be to them of the nature of that vices professing to be unpaid were always comfort whichto be paid indirectly in some improper manner. But it was a gross reflection upon the common sense of the Legislature and the Government, that because a man, perhaps a labourer at Woolwich, scarcely able to write his name, happened to succeed to an estate or a fortune of 10,000l. a year, he must be clapped into the commission of the peace immediately; it was disgraceful that there was not some qualification required, or some means taken which should protect the liberties of the people. Why, it was but a few weeks ago that a poor girl of twelve was imprisoned for fourteen days for taking home with her a book given her to use at one of the national schools. Many such acts occurred, though the Legislature only heard of them now and then; and he should protest against any protection being granted to these unpaid magistrates, unless there was some regulation regarding their qualifications and acquaintance with the law. But, as far as consolidation went, these Bills were very proper. Leave given. SUGAR AND COFFEE PLANTATIONS. "Like cordials after death, comes late;" and that before the Committee shall have reported, the West Indian interest will be altogether past recovery. But, Sir, it is for me to consider what my power is to obtain any substantial relief by a direct vote of this House; and when I remember that in July, 1846, I moved a resolution of this House, the purport of which was to maintain the protection for the West Indian and East Indian free-labour colonies, which they now seek, and that I had but 130 Gentlemen to support me, whilst 265 votes were recorded against me in favour of the measure of Her Majesty's Ministers admitting slave-labour sugar, I feel that it is hopeless for me to endeavour in this House-where I have no reason to suppose any addition has been made to the Members acquiesing in my views of protection-to convert that minority to a majority; and more especially when I recollect that on that occasion but five Gentlemen connected with the West Indian and East Indian interests recorded their votes with me, I think the West Indian interests have not a good case against me when LORD G. BENTINCK: Sir, if I con- they blame me for not taking a more resosulted my own wishes, aware as I am that lute step on this occasion. I need not the Motion I am about to propose will re- say for myself-I doubt not I may say for ceive no opposition from Her Majesty's those 130 Gentlemen who supported me in Ministers, I should much prefer to make the year 1846-that they require no Comno statement on this occasion; but I be-mittee of Inquiry to convince them of the lieve I should not be consulting the general wish of the House, or the wishes of those who are deeply interested in the produce of the sugar-cane, if I were to make this Motion for a Committee of Inquiry without some preliminary observations. It has been represented to me by many of those who are interested in Her Majesty's colonies in the East and West Indies-it has been represented to me, from those colonies, and from persons in this country who are interested in them, that the course which I am proposing is not consistent with the necessities of this case; that there is something pusillanimous in the Motion which I am going to bring before the House; that, in point of fact, the West Indian interest and the interest of the Mauritius and the East Indies, connected with sugar and coffee planting, are in extremis, and that while the question of their necessity of some immediate and some substantial relief to the sugar-planting interests under the British Crown; but in proposing this inquiry I wish it to be distinctly understood that I do not seek to preclude either myself or any other Member-if any substantial measure for immediate and effectual relief should be brought forward-from supporting that measure, or from pledging themselves to support any such proposal. But, Sir, looking as I have done at the deplorable state of the West Indies, the East Indies, and the Mauritius, and holding as I do in my hand a list of forty-eight great houses in England -twenty-six of the first commercial houses in London, sixteen in Liverpool, and six elsewhere-which have failed, and whose liabilities amount in the whole to 6,300,0007. and upwards, none of which, I believe, would have fallen if it had not been for the ruin brought upon them by the change in | stood. In that case the dispute was, whe- with Spain in particular under the Treaty Sir, the West Indian proprietors ask, in all their petitions, for several things. They ask for the exclusion of slavegrown sugar-for differential duties-for the free admission of molasses into the breweries and distilleries of this country. - for the admission of rum equality with British spirits-for the repeal of the navigation laws-and for free access to the coasts of Africa, and elsewhere, for the purpose of obtaining free labourers wherever they think fit. on an With respect to the navigation laws, I shall state at once that I cannot go along with them in supporting their repeal; and I must further take leave to say that, in my opinion, it is most inconsistent on the part of the West Indian and East Indian interest to ask protection for themselves, and to deny or seek to deprive other interests of the protection they enjoy. I recollect when the noble Lord opposite introduced his measure for the alteration of the sugar duties to the House, he said that protection must travel in a circle-that the circle was a vicious one-and that protection to the West Indies was a part of that vicious circle which he was disposed to recover. I agree with the noble Lord, that protection must go in a circle-that you the repeal which reduced their freights 31. a cannot give protection to one and refuse it ton, would at the same time reduce the to another; but, so far as the West Indies freight from the East Indies and Java 67. a are concerned, I am at a loss to understand ton; and I should like to know what the how they can expect to derive any benefit West Indies would gain by a change which from the repeal of the navigation laws. I would reduce the freight from Brazil, know that a letter has been written by one Cuba, Mauritius, Calcutta, and Java, in "Jacob Omnium," who has now, however, the same proportion that it would reduce cast off his disguise; and in that let- freights from Jamaica to this country, ter it is stated that while freights from whereby the Eastern hemisphere would St. Croix to this country were only 37. 10s. gain 67. per ton where the West Indies a ton, the freights from Demerara were 61. gained but half that sum? I have, howa ton. Assuming that the navigation ever, a number of statements by me from laws could create such a difference, which those most qualified to give correct inhowever is not the fact, I want to know formation on this subject, and I find that what benefit it would be to the West freights in the early part of the year Indian interest if the navigation laws were from Jamaica were from 31. 10s. to 41. 48.; repealed, unless they mean that they are from Demerara, not 61., as alleged, but to be repealed only so far as they them- from 27. 10s. to 37.; and from Barbadoes selves are concerned, but to be enforced and Trinidad, 37. 10s. to 31. 15s. By the as regards the rest of the world? But last advices from Pernambuco and Bahia, suppose the repeal of the navigation I observe that the freights by English veslaws would reduce freights from 61. to sels were lower than those of other ves31., as between Jamaica, Demerara, and sels. True it is that freights from Cuba Great Britain, I ask, would not their re- are lower than from Jamaica; but at Cuba peal have exactly the same effect as re- the ship runs up alongside the wharf, and gards Cuba and Brazil? Six-sevenths of there is no droggerage to pay. In Jamaica the whole trade between this country and the sugar is brought to the port of shipBrazil and Cuba are carried on in British ment in small boats at the charge of the vessels; and to all intents and purposes shipowner, the freights on the north side so far as the navigation laws are con- of the island ranging much higher than cerned therefore the trade to Brazil is as those on the south side generally 15s. much a close trade, and as much of a a ton. At Demerara the freights are as monopoly, as the trade with any British low as from any other sugar-growing councolony. If the repeal of the navigation try in the world. I think, then, I have laws would reduce freights from 61. to 31. disposed of the question of the navigation between Jamaica and England, and be-laws so far as the West Indian interest is tween Demerara and England, would it concerned. not equally reduce freights from Brazil and Cuba to England? The repeal of these laws, therefore, might possibly cheapen freight, but it would do so equally with regard to the slave-grown sugar of Cuba and Brazil as with regard to the free-labour sugar of the British colonies. As this cry has come from the West, and not from the East Indies, let me remind them that the freight to this country from Demerara has never been 61. a ton, as stated by " Jacob Omnium," except for a moment when the "times were out of joint But supposing the freight from the West Indies to be 61., the freight from the East Indies, from Java, and the Mauritius, at corresponding rates, would be at the least 121. If the West Indian interest, therefore, imagine that the repeal of the navigation laws would reduce their freights to England 31. -than which supposition nothing can be more ridiculous-I must remind them that that I come now to the question of the admission of rum on an equality with British spirits. Upon this point I hold the same opinion which I maintained last year. If the West Indian interest can prove an equality in name is an equality in equity and justice, I am quite ready to admit rum at the same duty as that laid on British spirits. But my opinion is, that when the justice of the claim comes to be inquired into, the British distillers will be able to show that, so long as Excise restrictions are imposed upon them, from which the rum distillers are exempt, the present differential duty is no more than equity and justice require. That is my present opinion; but I will go into the Committee with an honest desire to come to a just decision on the question. With respect to the introduction of molasses into breweries and distilleries, that is an affair between the West Indian interest and the Chan cellor of the Exchequer; though I do not | House in the debates of 1833. He know whether the admission of molasses statedwhich they claim would very much benefit the West Indian proprietary. "That for one shilling sterling of daily wages, free labourers would work in Porto Rico from sunrise to sunset, and on a moderate calculation "That in the year 1828, 1,437,285 acres of land in Porto Rico, were held by 19,140 proprietors. At the same time, 423 individuals were Proprietors of estates worked by slaves. Of these 275 were devoted to the production of sugar, and 148 were other plantations. In 1822, there were but 29 sugar estates, and the value of the sugar exported annually amounted to 57,000 dollars; but in consequence of the liberal conduct of Governor Le Tone, great encouragement was given to sugar planting under his administration, and a considerable immigration took place into this island." The great question of immigration comes next. Some of the West Indians, who live in Demerara, Berbice, and Trinidad, imagine that by the free immigration of labourers they can compete with all the world; and I am disposed to say, that the British planters should have every facility afforded them for obtaining labour wherever they can get it, so long as they do not trench upon slave trading; but if the Demerara people can, as they say, by the importation of some 100,000 or 150,000 labourers, produce 400,000 tons of sugar yearly, the effect will be, that they will altogether swamp the old colonies of the Crown. But though I think that no unfair advantage should be given to one colony over another, I doubt very much whether any free labour can enable the planters to compete with slave labour; or whether any amount of free labourers will so beat down wages as to enable the free-labour sugar planters to compete with those who employ slave labour. I would ask the West Indian how it is that in Barbadoes, which is more thickly populated than China-which has 750 persons to the square mile, and whose population is three times as dense as that of Ireland, and nearly three times as dense as the population of England-which is more dense than any other spot in the habitable world, unless it be Malta-I want to know how Barbadoes by any importation of Africans can be made to compete successfully with the slave-grown sugar of Cuba and the Brazils, on even terms, when with a 6s. duty So far, therefore, from this being an in their favour it is unable, notwithstand-island where the cultivation of sugar has ing its dense population, to compete now? advanced by free labour, this rapid inI believe there is no example of any country being able with free labour to compete sult of the encouragement given to slavecrease in its prosperity has been the rewith the labour of slaves. I have heard it owners in other places, to induce them said, that Porto Rico is an example of this to settle at Porto Rico. But if this kind. But the sugar planting in that country evidence which I have referred to be not is almost entirely done by means of slave sufficient, I have another authority which labour. The exports of sugar annually from Porto Rico have never exceeded may prevail even much more at the Colonial Office than that of Mr. Macgre49,000 tons; but such as it is, the business is carried on by the labour of slaves. I am aware, indeed, that Colonel Flinter, writing at Madrid eighteen years ago, gives a different account; but since that we have had very contrary opinions expressed on the subject. I know that what Colonel Flinter wrote in 1830, was constantly quoted as an authority in this Mr. Macgregor further says "That_the_planters from the neighbouring islands of St. Croix and St. Thomas brought their slaves to Porto Rico, and that in consequence of the introduction of these slaves, and the capital possessed by their owners, the island had constill continues to be, a very considerable source of tinued to prosper since 1828, and had been, and revenue to the mother country.” gor. refer is an extract from a lecture on politiThat to which I am now going to cal economy; and regarding the island of Porto Rico, the lecturer says- "So long as the fertility of the land remains bour of the small free proprietors may continue unexhausted, it is probable that the slovenly lato raise a considerable quantity of export produce; but it cannot be doubted that most of its |