Cooke's letter of Saturday last, that you are perfectly right, and that they are wrong, in wording our joint Address of the 27th May for your concurrence.

Your Union Bill is on the road, but ours will be the first Act, of which, I suppose, we shall send you an exemplification, in like manner as you sent us an exemplification of the Representation Act. It matters not which Act passes first: all that is necessary is, that the Acts should be mutually exchanged and recorded in both countries.

My dear Cooke-I thought, from the complexion of your first letter, that you were not altogether au fait of the impression under which the Duke of Portland's despatch was written; and I am glad that, without the delay of waiting for a communication from hence, King put you so far in possession of the state of affairs as to enable you to explain yourself upon them.

I am not much surprised that Ministers should abstractedly wish to get rid of B- though I should feel very much so, if they should put that or any other awkwardness in competition with Lord Cornwallis's honour. They sent him into this country, to risk an established character, at the close of a political life, and I cannot easily persuade myself that Mr. Pitt will give him up on a point of patronage, after what he has accomplished. But, from King's arguments, it appears that the Cabinet, after having carried the measure by the force of influence, of which they were apprised in every despatch sent from hence for the last 18 months, wish to forget all this: they turn short round, and say it would be a pity to tarnish all that has been so well done, by giving any such shock to the public sentiment. If

they imagine they can take up popular grounds by disappointing their supporters, and by disgracing the Irish Government, I think they will find themselves mistaken. It will be no secret what has been promised, and by what means the Union has been secured. Disappointment will encourage, not prevent disclosure; and the only effect of such a proceeding on their part will be, to add the weight of their testimony to that of the Anti-Unionists, in proclaiming the profligacy of the means by which the measure has been accomplished.

Both the Duke of Portland's despatch and King's conversation seem to represent the sixteen new Peerages as created for the sole purpose of carrying the elections, and they say, we don't care if the half of the number is chosen against Government; the English of which is (if it has any meaning at all) that it is of little importance to us whether Lord Cornwallis is enabled to fulfil the expectations he has given, for the security of the measure, to its friends in the Lords or not: now the point is carried, let its supporters take care of themselves-let the Government, under whose faith they acted, settle it themselves as they can ; and, notwithstanding the authority under which Lord Cornwallis acted, and which he never exercised in favour of a personal friend of his own, we are determined now to sit in judgment on all his engagements, to new-model them upon a communication not made in the most amicable terms, as best suits our own convenience, and, having condemned his conduct, to call upon him to preach moderation to his supporters; and, instead of fulfilling his engagements, to acquaint them that it is expected, from their known attachment to the King's Government, that they will waive their claims and be perfectly satisfied with whatever the popular sentiment enables his Majesty's Ministers to do for them.

It appears singular to me, that the most superficial observer should suppose the new peerages were conferred for any purposes of support connected with the House of Lords: they are all granted either to persons actually members of or connected with the House of Commons.

The only question is, if the Peerages are to be granted, whether, in policy or upon constitutional grounds, we are called upon to forego their support in the elections, by postponing their creations till after the Union passes. My own feeling has always been that, on the latter grounds, it is due to them to give them a participation in the elections. I think an opposite course shows that we are ashamed to face the act we are about to perfect; but, on the grounds of policy, the question is, whether a defeat will not bring upon Government a number of disappointed claimants, to whom you can make retribution in no other way than by giving them British Peerages; and, next, if we cannot afford to be beaten, whether it is not more desirable to take our security in the support of the new peers, who do not aspire to the representation themselves, than to depend altogether upon the support of the existing peers, who, if they can be prevailed upon to waive their own pretensions, will certainly rely much on the sacrifice and we shall thus perhaps incur a new expenditure of patronage, as a reward for our scruples; if, by our weakness, we make the peers of our party, whom we do not mean to support, of too much consequence, they will certainly avail themselves of their authority (and we should recollect the Bishops cannot assist), whereas, if they are kept a little in check by new creations, their support will be more easily had, less cabal will take place in the elections, and the general strength of Government in the House of Lords will refute any charge of the creations being for election purposes.

I have not time to add more at present. I confess what has passed has wounded my feelings sensibly. I certainly was prepared for objections to an extensive arrangement, particularly on B- 's subject; but I thought they would have been urged with a cordiality towards Lord Cornwallis, which his services seem to command, and not in the tone and spirit of an adverse party. Efforts of influence more ostensible. have been made by the Government of this kingdom, under the pressure of necessities less urgent than those he has had to

contend with: they have received the countenance and support of the present Ministers; and I should hope, if Lord Cornwallis has been the person to buy out and secure to the Crown for ever the fee-simple of Irish corruption, which has so long enfeebled the powers of Government and endangered the connection, that he is not to be the first sacrifice to his own exertions; nor is the present the first occasion upon which the King's Ministers will, I trust, think it expedient to conciliate popular opinion, by failing towards those who have served them to the best of their abilities.

Ever, my dear Cooke, most sincerely yours,

CASTLEREAGH.

Lord Camden to Mr. Cooke.

Wildernesse, June 21, 1800.

Dear Cooke-When Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Portland consulted me upon the arrangements recommended from Ireland, I told them I thought it became the English Government to accede to them with a good grace, and I advised that a letter to that effect should be written to Ireland. In this acquiescence I did not include English Peerages, which I did not understand Lord Cornwallis authorized to gránt. With respect to the creation of English Peers, the King has been so very positive in his expressions upon that subject, that I believe his Minister will find it difficult to move him. When, however, the appearance of acting with ill faith towards the King's Ministers in another country is taken into the scale with the feelings of Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh, I should imagine Mr. Pitt and the rest of the Ministers will endeavour to overcome the King's prejudices; but they would not have been faithful to him, had they not combated, with real and sincere desire of success, the Marquisates, and the English Peerages.

I shall see Mr. Pitt to-morrow early at Lord Frederick Campbell's, and, as he will probably send a messenger to London,

I will write to you after I have seen him. My advice has been and will be to comply. I told him so, and I told the King the same, and combated his surprise at the number of creations and promotions whenever he has spoken to me on the subject, with every argument which occurred to me.

Most sincerely yours,

Lord Camden to Lord Castlereagh.

CAMDEN.

Coombank, June 22, 1800.

Dear Castlereagh-I am sure it will relieve your mind from a considerable load of anxiety when I inform you that I have little doubt all your arrangements will be agreed to. Much objection will be found to the measures; the Marquisates are disliked very much; but I think I may venture to apprize you that the engagements of the Irish Government will be made good.

Mr. Pitt, whom I met here to-day, and with whom I have had a long conversation, is much pleased with the temperate tone of your letter, the greater part of which I read to him, and I hope Lord Cornwallis will receive a satisfactory letter on this subject, after Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Portland have seen the King on Wednesday next.

Yours, most affectionately,

Lord Camden to Mr. Cooke.

CAMDEN.

Coombank, June 22, 1800.

Dear Cooke-I have written a letter to Lord Castlereagh from hence, after seeing Mr. Pitt, to relieve his mind from the anxiety it is suffering, on account of the difficulties which have been made to some of Lord Cornwallis's arrangements. I imagine they will all be assented to, though Sir J. B.'s creation and representation is almost intolerable.

You will be so good as to forward Lord Castlereagh's letter. Most sincerely yours,

CAMDEN.