odious a light. He could not ascertain, | the honour to hold the office of Chief Secfrom the statements which had been made, retary for Ireland, was marked by pecuwhat was the definite determination of the liar calamity affecting that part of the emGovernment respecting the Bank Charter pire. The present occasion, which we have Act; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer met now to consider, has been marked by told them that whilst Parliament sat they great and widely-spread misfortune, affectmight go on as they were, because if any ing the commercial classes of this country; difficulty arose the Parliament could inter- and I should he ashamed of the Governfere; but the right hon. Gentleman had ment, if, upon either of those two occanot condescended to tell them whether, sions, they had shrunk from taking upon towards the end of the Session, the Minis- themselves the duty and the responsibility ters would require from the Legislature which are attached to the offices they hold, certain conditional permission for relaxing and which are necessary for the public serthe law, or whether they would, without vice; or if they had hesitated in putting in exthat permission, again violate it. He ercise any power they might possess to stay begged, however, to tell the Government, the progress of the evil. I do not conceive that although the House, from the peculiar it is necessary for me to anticipate now and extraordinary circumstances in which that discussion which will far more reguthe country was placed, and the urgency larly and properly come on when my right of the moment, might sanction this viola- hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchetion of the law which had taken place, it quer will state to the House all the cirmight not, on future occasions, be so wil- cumstances and reasons which led to the ling to extend that indulgence if Govern- course which the Government adopted with ment omitted to take proper precautions. regard to that communication with the He hoped, before they separated to-night, Bank of England. But when the hon. they would have this question answered by Member for Dorchester says " Answer a Member of the Government-why had me at least one question; tell me why was not the Government sooner made the re- this step by the Government taken at this laxation, and what it was that induced particular time; neither sooner or later?" them to make it at the particular time I think he must see-the House at least, they had done? He called for an answer, on a moment's reflection, will see, that it and thought that when the House was would be utterly impossible for my right called upon to sanction a violation of the hon. Friend, or any Member of the Golaw, it was at least entitled to an explana-vernment, to answer that question without tion respecting that violation, and of all the circumstances connected with it. going into the whole circumstances of the case. And, as my right hon. Friend has promised the House to make his statement on a day no more distant than Tuesday, I hope the hon. Member for Dorchester will restrain his impatience, and not ask the Government to do that which they cannot possibly do without at once opening a wide field of discussion. I should not have trespassed upon the House, had it not been for some of the observations of the hon. Member who has just sat down, and other remarks of a similar character. I had hoped that the speech of my noble Friend at the head of the Government had dis MR. LABOUCHERE: The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, reminded the Government that it had been their fate, during the two years they had held the government, to be obliged, on two separate occasions, to exceed the law. It would ill become me to speak lightly of an infringement of the law of the land by the Government; but, on the other hand, I am not prepared to say, if it should be the fate of the Government to be a third year in office, and if circumstances should again arise which should, in their opinion, render it necessary for them to take upon them-posed of all that part of the discussion selves the responsibility of exceeding the law, that they would fear to do so, and then throw themselves upon the judgment of the Parliament of England. That is the only answer I shall make to the observation of the hon. Gentleman, which I apprehend was meant for a taunt. The last two years were marked by extraordinary circumstances. The first occasion to which the hon. Gentleman alluded, when I had which attempted to connect the recent commercial distress with what some hon. Gentlemen are pleased to term the utter failure of free-trade policy. But all that the hon. Gentleman opposite has advanced under that head, amounts only to thisthat you have recently adopted free-trade principles; and it does so happen that in the course of the present year there has been a time of great commercial em brought forward in this discussion; and having done so, I hope the House will now proceed to receive the report on the Address. barrassment and distress. But I must say the present occasion. At the same time, that some of the observations made by the having heard such confident assertions hon. Gentleman regarding the supposed made by the hon. Gentleman and others failure of free-trade policy, did appear to on the opposite side of the House, with me to be very strongly in favour of that respect to the utter failure of the measures policy. Think of the effect of introducing of free trade, as exemplified in the history such a great quantity of grain-10,000,000 of the last three or four years-believing quarters! Why, the answer to that is, as I do that there is no foundation in fact we very much wanted all this grain. One for making such assertions; and feeling would think that the most scandalous and certain that whenever those hon. Gentlewasteful expenditure of our money had men shall, instead of vague assertions, taken place in the purchase of this grain; venture to place their propositions in a but the hon. Gentleman might as well ar- tangible shape before the House, and bring gue that a man had brought himself to forward something like proofs in their supruin who had spent his money in the ba-port, they will altogether fail in so doing. ker's shop to purchase bread for his chil- I felt it my duty to enter my protest dren. It is a remarkable circumstance, against the assertions which have been and one which I view in a very different light to the hon. Gentleman, that in a time of most appalling calamity in Ireland, when, by a visitation of Providence, the supply of the usual food was cut off, the riches, the energy, the credit of this country should have attracted towards its shores this unusual import of food. In the whole commercial history of this country, I say, I know of nothing which strikes me more forcibly with an impression of the power of uncontrolled trade than this enormous supply of human food. The hon. Gentleman has challenged us to show an instance in which foreign nations have followed our example in free trade; but he has not, I think, observed the conduct of foreign nations with care and accuracy, or he would not have so spoken. My own conviction is, that the example of this country has produced most remarkable results upon the conduct of foreign nations. If I were now entering fully into the subject, I could show that many countries have made the most important modifications in their tariffs, to the advantage of this country, by the reduction of duties; but I will not now go into any memoirs upon that point, further than to mention one instance that of the United States of America. It was only in December last, that the Legislature of the United States revised their whole tariff, and made the most important reductions in it; and everybody acquainted with the circumstances of that country, knows that the party which pressed for these reductions, and carried them, were mainly assisted with being able to say, England has altered her corn laws, and has shown a disposition to favour the commerce of the United States." I really feel that I ought not to allow myself to be dragged into a wide field of discussion on MR. NEWDEGATE assured the House he would not detain them many minutes. He had been led to hope by the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, that he would take pity on the ignorance of the House, and help to enlighten them on the subject of free trade. A few months ago he had moved an Address to the Crown for returns showing the changes which had occurred in the tariffs of foreign countries since the recent change in our customs duties; but to this moment those returns had never been produced, and he had consequently been driven to this conclusion-either that Her Majesty's Ministers intended to refuse to grant those returns, or that they were not aware what changes had taken place in the tariffs of foreign countries. As he had been informed, however, that an Address to the Crown did not terminate with a bygone Parliament, he was still inclined to hope, especially after the speech of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere), that ere long Parliament would be informed what changes had occurred in foreign tariffs in consequence of the relaxation in ours. The right hon. Gentleman had also announced, that although Government had twice violated the law within two years, they were prepared to violate it again if necessary. He did not for a moment reflect upon the violation of the Bank Charter Act which had taken place lately under the authority of Government. On the contrary, he thought it most unfortunate that Government should have allowed so many large and important firms to fail before they did so. He asked the House to con Lynn did not for a moment attribute the whole pressure to the mere action of free trade upon ordinary circumstances; but when they had it shown by documents before the House that there was increased importation in other articles besides corn, how the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade should say that the free-trade measures had nothing to do with the present difficulties, surpassed his poor understanding. He must say too, that the noble Lord at the head of the Government, in his poor understanding, had rather evaded answering the powerful address of the noble Lord the Member for Lynn, who opened the debate. He recollected an expression which the noble Lord had used towards him last Session, when he had counted out the House upon the debate on the affairs of Portugal, that his rescue of the hon. Member for Montrose from the result of a division on that occasion was something like the proceedings of a goddess of ancient days who involved her sider how many firms had failed under the | on the balance of trade. It had a serious recent pressure. He had seen a list of no effect. The noble Lord the Member for fewer than 117 large and important houses which had stopped payment, and that list was not complete. He begged the attention of the House to the names of some of these firms-Alexander, Lesley, and Co.; Douglas and Co.; Sanderson and Co.; Reid, Irving, and Co.; Gower Nephews and Co.; Perkins, Mullens, and Co.; Barclay Brothers and Co.; Trueman, Cook, and Co.; Robinson and Co.; the Abingdon Bank, the Liverpool Banking Company, the Newcastle Bank, and the Royal Bank of Liverpool. He hoped the House would not be led away from the consideration of the grave circumstances of the country, by the loose assertions which were made respecting the insolvency of many of these houses had not certain changes taken place in the legislation of the country. Would it be asserted that the West Indian houses would have failed had not their property been undermined by the changes which had been made in the customs duties of our country? Or would it be boldly asserted that these houses had experience, pre-hero in a cloud and carried him off into obvious to the present time of the pressure which had occurred under the restrictions of the Bank Charter Act? He would not, however, enter into this subject at present. He had merely adverted to it in justice to the many victims who had perished-to the numerous houses which had fallen. He must say that he was surprised that the tone of the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade was so cheerful; for if there was any department of the Government the representative of which ought to be in mourning, it was that department of which the right hon. Gentleman was at the head. What were the accounts from Manchester? By the last accounts it appeared that there were 20,000 men out of employment. And what was the state of trade in the other districts? Why, every day brought accounts of more distrust, more mills closed, more operatives being thrown out of employment. For the Government to deny the connexion between this state of things and free trade, was, he thought, to attribute inefficacy to their own measure. He remembered last May hear-our own manufacturers who were unable to ing the hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets say, that it was an odd and alarming circumstance that during the period when the imports of corn were enormous, there was at the same time a large increase in the import of articles of inferior necessity; and he feared it would have a serious effect scurity. He thought that the noble Lord had on the present occasion involved himself in obscurity. He would have them believe that it had reached even his understanding. The noble Lord had professed himself unable to understand the proposition of the noble Lord the Member for Lynn, who attributed the export of bullion to the necessary importation of corn, aggravated by the increased importation of other articles; the noble Lord said he was surprised that his noble Friend (Lord G. Bentinck) should complain of the low price of cotton at Liverpool, which had been produced by free importation. Really this was asking the House to believe that the noble Lord was less able than they all knew him to be. The proposition of his noble Friend was this. The exportation of gold destroyed credit by the restriction which was placed on it by the Bank Charter Act. This destruction of credit artificially reduced the price of cotton, which was purchased by those States whose credit was unimpaired, while it was useless to buy it. To say, then, that the noble Lord could see no connexion between the recent legislation of 1844 and 1846 and the present distress, was asking the House to give him credit for a want of understanding which he for one could not assent to. There was one observation of the hon. Member from the Speech-he declared, upon his honour, that each and all of these subjects formed matter of condemnation of the Government. Ay, the assertion might be thought a broad one; but if they looked at the Speech they would find that almost every topic introduced into it was a subject to Her Majesty of grief, lamentation, and regret. There were only two subjects which were declared to be satisfactory in the Speech. The one was, that the Government had not violated the law; but he declared that if they were not morally and virtually guilty of its violation, by authorising it to be done, then he did not know what violation of the law was. The other subject was, that the landlords of the empire had availed themselves of the facilities offered by Government for improving their estates. for Montrose which had fallen heavily on of the commercial world-the mercantile his ear; the hon. Member had said that or the manufacturing interest; if he lookmany of the houses which had recently ed at the colonies, or at home, or abroad failed were houses which ought to have-whether he referred to what was containfallen, and he was sorry that more of them ed in the Speech, or to what was omitted had not come down. Was that the way they were to deal with those upon whose speculations the whole free-trade measures were founded? Was that the way they were to deal with that credit which alone could bring those exports which produced the balance of trade, and save us from continual exports of bullion? He had seen in the public papers expressions about sweeping away false credit, and destroying houses which ought not to stand," and about "bringing credit as frequently as possible to the test of capital." What must be the end of such a system? What but the reduction of the means to meet the effects of the free-trade legislation which had been adopted by the House? He not only regretted to have heard such expressions as those he had referred to applied by some public journals to commercial men who were pressed upon by the exigencies of the times; but he had seen language used tending to harden the hearts of our fellow-countrymen against the progressive distress of the working classes. He found the following remarks in the Spectator of last week: "The worst dark spot in the prospect for the winter lies in the discharge of railway labourers. These men are not numerous enough, perhaps, to impart anything of an insurrectionary character to the disturbances which they are sure to create With these exceptions, everything else was matter of lamentation and regret. But though the Speech from the Throne had dwelt upon the distress, it had not, in his mind, referred to the causes. Those causes, in his estimation, were, that rather than regard the interests of their own country, they had regarded the interests of foreigners; that rather than respect the home trade, they had respected the trade of other countries; that rather than take those measures which would conduce to the wealth and riches of this country, they had taken those measures which would conduce to the wealth and riches of foreign Powers. Ireland was the only department in the Speech in which Her Ma in want and idleness; but they are strong, brutal men-they have been pampered, they will feel the pinch of destitution, and will be doubly exasperated by the appetite for enjoyment, and the gnawing of hunger in their robust and angry stomachs. Crime will abound this winter-crimes of violence and hateful excesses; and extraor-jesty's Ministers appeared to recommend dinary precautions must be taken to check the lawless, if we would not have the horrors of stormed cities in our towns and rural districts." what would prove a specific remedy. And the last topic introduced into the Speech was one that would tend to throw out of employment our whole maritime population, and undermine that upon which our strength and independence as a nation rested-he meant our navigation laws. He would therefore state, in conclusion, as he had at the commencement, that Ministers had not assigned a single reason for Parliament being called together at this inconvenient season, which was not, in fact, a verTo dict of condemnation against their policy. Was this the doctrine of those who professed political economy? If it was at the suggestion of the Home Secretary that Government had agreed to relax the provisions of the Bank Charter Act, the right hon. Baronet had added another to the many services for which the country was indebted to him. MR. SCOTT could not allow the debate to close without saying a few words. his mind, every cause which had been assigned by the Government as a reason for bringing them together, was a subject of condemnation against the Government. If he took the Bank question, or the condition Report read a second time and agreed to, and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Mover and Seconder, and such Members of the House as are of Her Majesty's Privy Council. House adjourned at a quarter to Ten | House of Parliament, on the part of Her o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, MINUTES.] Took the Oaths.-Several Lords. THE QUEEN'S ANSWER TO THE The LORD CHAMBERLAIN (Earl Spencer) brought up HER MAJESTY's most gracious Answer to the Address. The Answer was as follows: "MY LORDS, Majesty's Ministers, of a Motion for a "I thank you for your loyal and dutiful Ad-jesty's Government were disposed to offer dress. "It will be My constant Desire to co-operate with you in Measures calculated to advance the permanent Interests and Welfare of My People." Address and Answer to be printed and published. THE SLAVE TRADE. LORD BROUGHAM begged to ask the any opposition to that Motion, or whether they would consent to the appointment of the Committee? EARL GREY expressed his regret at the absence of the Lord President of the Council from indisposition, and said he be lieved it was the intention of his noble Friend, had he been able to attend that evening, to have submitted a similar notice to that just given by the noble Lord. noble Earl at the head of the Colonial DeLORD STANLEY said, after the statepartment, whether any information would be laid on the table by Her Majesty's Go-withdraw his notice; but, at the same ment made by the noble Earl, he would vernment with respect to any correspondence that had taken place during the last two years on the subject of slavery in Cuba and the Brazils? EARL GREY said, it was the invariable practice to lay such correspondence as took place on the subject of the slave trade from time to time on the table of their Lordships' House, and of course there could be no objection to a similar course being followed in the present year. LORD BROUGHAM inquired what time it was likely any information on the ject would be laid before the House? time, he begged to remind the noble Earl the noble Earl himself, the other night, that it had been distinctly intimated by that no such intention was entertained by Her Majesty's Government. His Lordship subsequently said, that instead of withdrawing his Motion, he proposed to let it stand over. PUBLIC BUSINESS. LORD REDESDALE begged to ask what was the intention of Government sub-with regard to proceeding with business in desirable that noble Lords should know that House? He thought it exceedingly EARL GREY said, it was difficult to give an answer to the question. Many volumes of blue books had already been laid before Parliament on the subject; and he was inclined to think noble Lords were more familiar with the exteriors of these volumes than with their contents. LORD BROUGHAM said, the reply of the noble Earl only convinced him that it was often easier to ask a question than to answer one. COMMERCIAL DISTRESS. LORD STANLEY said, he perceived that a notice had been given in the other when any public business would come before their Lordships' House. announced that it was not the intention of EARL GREY said, it had been before Her Majesty's Government to introduce either of the measures to be immediately submitted to Parliament in that House. In the absence, from illness, of the Lord Chancellor, and of the President of the Council, such a course would not be very advisable. He was, however, not prepared to say but that one Bill would be introduced. LORD REDESDALE said, that perhaps |