man was benefited; but now he remained | Cranbrook), and of his noble Friend at the top of the list, to the injury of who was now in Office (the Marquess discipline. He hoped that that Constitu- of Hartington), was to make the Army tional Force, the Militia, would not be thoroughly effective. The way in which so ignored as it had been. With regard the Reserves came up the other day, to the Volunteers, he knew it was an and in which they would come up at unpopular thing to say, but he believed any other time when they were called the Volunteer movement had caused upon to serve their country, was a suffithe greatest injury to recruiting for cient answer to the imputation cast the Army. It deprived the Army of upon them. The noble and gallant Lord the best men, as non-commissioned offi- had suggested that the Militia should cers, who saw Volunteers wearing mili- be called out for six months. That tary uniform, and obtaining the glory of might not be worse than the suggestion soldiers without the risk of active service made the other night that they should abroad. It would be more economical to be called out for 300 days' training; encourage the Militia, and to obtain re- but to act upon either of those suggescruits for, and from, that Force, for the tions would put them in such a position Army. When the Militia furnished re- that they would have no Militia at all cruits, they were not boys, as now; but to call out. He entirely agreed as to they were, by comparison, old soldiers, the desirability of obtaining recruits from who had seen from six to 12 years of the Militia for the Line, and the Goservice. The mind of the Government vernment had been doing all that they ought to be made up, and they ought to could to encourage that process. A very make their determination known before short time ago he heard that in one the end of the Session. regiment alone no fewer than 50 Militiamen had volunteered for the Line in the past month. That was an example of what was occurring to a large extent throughout the country. As he had so recently gone at length into all these matters he was unwilling to detain their Lordships any longer on this occasion. LORD TRURO said, it must be remembered that the Volunteers were undoubtedly efficient for the defence of the country in case it were attacked. He pointed out that since the commencement of the Volunteer movement a very large number of Volunteers had acquired a certain taste for military service, and when out of employment had joined the ranks of the Army as a means of livelihood. THE EARL OF MORLEY said, he would answer, in a very few words, what had fallen from the noble and gallant Lord opposite. He had listened to his speech with the greatest attention, and was most anxious to obtain from the great experience of the noble and gallant Lord some hints which might be useful in assisting them in obtaining a larger number of recruits for the Army. But he confessed that when the speech came to an end he felt very much disappointed. He could not see how the re-introduction of the punishment of flogging would bring into the ranks a much larger number of recruits. He did not think it was necessary to go over the ground again; but he should like to repudiate, in the strongest way possible, one statement made by the noble and gallant Lord-namely, that the Army was made a battle-ground of Party. He felt assured that the only object of the noble Viscount opposite (Viscount Lord Ellenborough THE EARL OF WEMYSS wished to? ask the noble Earl what was the force of effective men that could be put into the field? The best way to ascertain that at the present time would be to lay on the Table a Return of the Queen's Birthday Parade state at Home Stations. THE EARL OF MORLEY said, he thought there would be very great objection to do as suggested. It never had been the custom to give such a Return, and it would be a dangerous precedent. THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE said, he could not agree at all with the noble and gallant Lord near him (Lord Ellenborough) as regarded the Volunteers being a great drawback to recruiting good men for the Army. On the contrary, he looked upon the Volunteers as so much additional strength to the Army. CONTAGIOUS DISEASES ACTS. QUESTION. OBSERVATIONS. VISCOUNT LIFFORD, in asking Her Majesty's Government, Whether their attention had been directed to the moral condition of naval stations, especially Portsmouth, since the practical repeal of the Contagious Diseases Act, said, that he considered it would have been a great calamity if these Acts had been suspended for a day; but it was much worse to prevent their operation altogether; and it was a marvellous thing that that should have been done by the Government without any appeal to Parliament-done at the mere bidding of one man and by one-third of the House of Commons, and against the views of their Lordships' House and the opinion of every Committee and Commission that had considered the question. There had been an outcry against the course pursued by the Government from every protected place or district; and he trusted that the Government would look seriously into the matter, and see what could be done to restore that feeling of security which previously existed. VISCOUNT CRANBROOK said, he thought it was the duty of everyone who had had anything to do with the administration of those Acts to raise his voice against the course which had been taken by the Government. At the War Office he entered on the examination of this question with great anxiety, and with an instinctive feeling against the regulations; but he came to the conclusion that, whether looked at in their moral or physical aspects, these Acts were advantageous. They conduced to the better conduct of women and to their reformation. He contended that the course which had been pursued by those who had opposed these Acts was most inconsistent and unreasonable; and he hoped that there was more force in the Government than could be overcome by the sentimental objection of those persons, and that they would not be led by the few objectors in the other House. The Town Councils and principal inhabitants of the towns affected, including the clergy, had petitioned against the repeal of the Acts. At Cork a Roman Catholic priest expressed himself strongly in favour of the Acts, and had by means of them been able to restore many unfortunate girls to their families; and this, as was well known, had been the case at Chatham. VISCOUNT HARDINGE said, he had had the honour of serving on the Royal Commission on this subject, and he quite agreed with the two noble Viscounts' observations, and that unforturate consequences would follow from the repeal of those Acts. The efficiency of the Acts depended entirely on the periodical examination. The Government had now suspended that, and nothing but a considerable increase of contagion could be the result. The medical evidence on this head was overwhelming. The Metropolitan Police, to whose discretion and efficiency the success of the Acts were mainly indebted, had been generally withdrawn. The moral effects of the Acts, the efforts made in the hospitals to reclaim these unfortunate women, and the control exercised over them, would now be at an end, and much of the good already attained would be nullified. Their Lordships were about to legislate for the protection of young girls; and it would be found that the Metropolitan Police had done more in clearing the streets and restoring young girls to their parents who were on the verge of prostitution than, in all probability, legislative enactments would be able to bring about. He wished to ask the noble Earl the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the whole of the Metropolitan Police had been withdrawn from the places that were protected? If they had been, what police had taken, or were to take, their places; and how far the county and borough police authorities had power to carry out what remained of these Acts ? THE DUKE OF SOMERSET said, he wished to impress upon the Government the necessity of considering the question further. In 1864 there was an Act for voluntary examinations, but it did not succeed. Then in 1866 all persons of the class referred to were brought under compulsion, and the Act did succeed most effectively. The moral question. was a very much more important one to the whole country; and, according to all evidence from the towns where these Acts were in force, they had prevented the young girls from entering into a course of vice and prostitution. These Acts should be maintained, as they were great sanitary measures, and they ought not to be withdrawn without an Act of Parliament; but they had been, because some Members of the Government seemed to wish to gain a little popularity. He intreated the Government to bring forward their Bill, and let the THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE said, it was quite evident that great mischief would arise to the Services if these Acts were not kept in operation. If it were merely a question which affected the Army and Navy he might not consider it right to press the matter so much; but it was a question which affected the whole morals of the country, and instead of the Acts being repealed they should be extended far more than they had been. Where the Acts had been applied they had not been objected toon the contrary, there was a decided wish on the part of the local authorities to retain them in force. Those who agitated for their repeal were persons living at a distance. In the towns in which the Acts were in operation there were 250 fewer houses of ill-fame since the introduction of the Acts than there had been before. House and the country see what they | Acts were popular, for the most part, in proposed to do. the places where they were in operation. Besides, whatever benefit had been done to the health of the Services, undoubtedly the indirect effect of the Acts had been a considerable improvement in the condition of the streets in those towns; and it was greatly to the credit of the Metropolitan Police, who had been engaged in administering them, that young girls had been kept off the streets, and many women brought back from their vicious course of life to respectable occupations in society. But the Government had to deal with a practical question-namely, that the other House of Parliament, after a long debate, had by a majority of between 60 and 70 decided against compulsory examination. Now, seeing that the money required under the Act had to be voted by the House of Commons, the Government considered that it would be idle to continue compulsory examination in the face of so deliberate a vote. It was thought, under these circumstances, that the only practical course was to withdraw the Metropolitan Police from the compulsory part of the examination. With regard to the arguments as to the general effect of these diseases on posterity, they led very much further than the Acts themselves, because it must be recollected how few places in the country the Acts touched. Although, personally, he regretted the vote of the House of Commons, he must add that, in his opi nion, it was impracticable to extend the system over the whole country, for which alone any general benefit to health would be derived. LORD STRATHNAIRN agreed that the Acts had been of the greatest value to the towns which had come under their operation. He considered that the opponents of the Acts were patrons of immorality. THE EARL OF WEMYSS would suggest that, as the Government were so fond of Local Option in the matter of drink, that principle should be acted upon in the present case, and garrison towns given their own wish in the matter. THE EARL OF NORTHBROOK said, he was afraid that this was one of the questions which occasionally arose upon which the feeling entertained in their Lordships' House was not altogether in accordance with that expressed in the other House of Legislature. There was no change whatever in the action of the Government with regard to the position of persons under treatment in hospitals. They were still liable to penalties if they left without a medical certificate. With respect to the value or otherwise of these Acts, he could only repeat that he was in favour of them. He believed that they had done some good in regard to the health of the Army and the Navy; though, from a statistical point of view, the result in regard to the Navy was by no means so great as some people supposed. That was accounted for by the fact that sailors were less stationary than soldiers. He was satisfied also that the The Duke of Somerset THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY said, that when the noble Earl spoke with regret of the action of the House of Commons in regard to these Acts, it was necessary to bear in mind that 19 Members of the Government voted or paired in favour of the Resolution, including the Prime Minister, which the noble Earl, on behalf of the Government, deplored. But what he rose to point out was that this question had two aspects. It had one of a social, a sanitary, and an administrative character, in respect to which much had been said in which he entirely concurred. The evils which had been brought back to these towns were of the very gravest character. But there was another aspect of the question with respect to which he wanted in formation. He wished to know precisely how far the Government had, on their own authority and without the consent of Parliament, suspended the operation of an Act of Parliament? If it were only the case that they had simply abstained from that action which absolutely required the vote of money by Parliament to sustain, and if they had not gone an inch beyond that abstinence, of course he did not blame them from the Constitutional point of view, for they could not expend money which they had not got. But, as he understood, they had suspended compulsory examination. They had not merely ceased to pay special officers for doing it, but they had given orders that that which the Act prescribed should no longer be done, or, at all events, they had given orders that that which the Acts empowered them to do should no longer be done; and they had done that, not at any bidding of Parliament, but simply by a snatch vote, obtained at a single Sitting of the House of Commons. It was not merely a question as between the two Houses; but a decision on a grave question of public policy had been taken without any of those safeguards of repeated deliberation which, in regard to every Act of Parliament, were in both Houses required. He wanted to ask the noble Earl whether he would lay on the Table all Letters and Orders given with reference to this subject since the vote of the House of Commons to which he had referred? THE EARL OF NORTHBROOK said, he did not think there would be any objection to produce the Letters which the noble Marquess asked for; but he would make inquiries before giving a final answer. THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY requested an answer to the question whether the Government had merely left off paying money, or had forbidden the proceedings directed by the Act from being carried out? THE EARL OF NORTHBROOK said, that certainly the intention had been simply to withdraw the Metropolitan Police, who were paid out of the Vote, from taking part in the compulsory operation of the Acts. They had no power to prevent the operation of the Acts apart from that. That was their intention; but they issued certain instructions to the Visiting Surgeons, and these were comprised in the Papers which the noble Marquess would like to see, and he did not think there would be any objection to produce them. In reply to Viscount BARRINGTON, THE EARL OF NORTHBROOK said, that the Government had no power to interfere with the local authorities in respect of any powers which they enjoyed under the Acts. LUNATIC POOR (IRELAND) BILL [H.L.] A Bill to make better provision for the care of the Lunatic Poor and for the inspection of Lunatic Asylums in Ireland; and for other purposes relating thereto-Was presented by The LORD PRESIDENT; read 1a. (No. 85.) COLONIAL PRISONERS REMOVAL BILL [H.L.] the removal of Prisoners and Criminal Lunatics A Bill to make further provision respecting from Her Majesty's Possessions out of the United Kingdom-Was presented by The Earl of DERBY; read 1a. (No. 86.) INDIAN MARINE BILL [H.L.] A Bill to provide for the regulation of Her Majesty's Indian Marine Service-Was presented by The Earl of KIMBERLEY; read' 1a. (No. 88.) House adjourned at half past Seven o'clock, to Thursday next, a quarter past Ten o'clock. Second Reading-Metropolitan Board of Works (District Railway). PUBLIC BILLS-Ordered-First Reading-Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 4) (Barton, &c.) [223]; Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 5) (Bermondsey, &c.) [224]. Second Reading Inclosure Provisional Order (Hildersham) [209]; Land Drainage Provisional Order (No. 2) * [210]; Local Government Provisional Order (No. 10)* [206]; Metropolis Improvement Provisional Order [173]; Metropolis Improvement Provisional Order (No. 2) [174]; Metropolis Improve ment Provisional Order (No. 3) [175] High Court of Justice (Service of Writs) [184]. Committee year, the Harbour Commissioners of Belfast promoted a Bill which gave them borrowing powers to the extent of some Parliamentary Elections (Corrupt and Illegal Practices) [7] [Second Night]thing like £900,000. On that occasion, R.P. Committee Report-Forest of Dean (Highways) PRIVATE BUSINESS. 1906 BELFAST HARBOUR BILL. [Lords.] (by Order.) CONSIDERATION, AS AMEnded. Order for Consideration, as amended, read. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill, as amended, be now considered." MR. BIGGAR said, he had given Notice, in regard to this particular Bill, that he would move, as an Amendment "That it be re-committed to the former Committee:" and "That it be an Instruction to the Committee to lower the qualifications of the Commissioners and electors, so as to make the same in conformity with the qualification for the Parliamentary Suffrage." he (Mr. Biggar) opposed the Bill in that House, on the ground that these gentlemen were elected upon an extensively narrow franchise; and he thought it desirable that the inhabitants of Belfast should have a fuller opportunity of expressing their opinion, with regard to the franchise, before the property and rates of the borough were so heavily mortgaged. On that occasion, a compromise was made on behalf of the Harbour Commissioners, that this year they would promote a Bill to extend the franchise, and, in pursuance of that compromise, they had brought in the Bill now before the House; but he considered that that Bill did not at all conform with the spirit of the age. In fact, political Parties in England to extend it had long been the principle of both the franchise in regard to Parliamentary and Municipal elections; but these gentlemen, the Harbour Commissioners of Belfast, still continued to argue in favour of the exploded idea of close corporations. He would not attempt to argue in that House, whether the franchise should be wide or narrow. They all In moving that Amendment, he desired knew that it had been the theory of the to offer such observations in support of so-called Liberal Party, for the last 50 it as he thought were called for, and no years, to extend the franchise very mamore. It was probably known, in re-terially in connection with the election gard to the question of the franchise of Harbour Commissioners, that in many instances, in different places, such franchises were based upon arrangements made in Private Bills; and, of course, Private Bills were promoted by the persons in possession of the Harbour Trust for the time being. The result of that system was, that the gentlemen who now composed the Harbour Board of Belfast deemed it more convenient that there should be a narrow, rather than an extensive, franchise. It was only natural that gentlemen, already in possession of the franchise, should think it was a very good world they lived in, and that there was no necessity for extending it, or for admitting any other persons into their Body. Nor were they at all desirous of extending the vote; and, as a necessary consequence, a great number of persons who were interested in the management of the Docks and Harbours were not represented. Last of public Bodies. They knew that the lowering of the franchise was used in almost all cases as a Party cry, for the purpose of bringing about an extension of the franchise. Even the late Lord Beaconsfield-an extremely wise gentleman in his generation-thought it was judicious to propose a much more extensive franchise for Parliamentary boroughs. The Harbour Commissioners of Belfast, however, thought themselves much wiser than the late Lord Beaconsfield, or all the reformers of the last 50 years, and they proposed a franchise which was altogether insufficient for the purpose for which it was required. He found upon inquiry that, in the majority of cases, the franchise in regard to Harbour Boards was based, not on the rating of the inhabitants of the places in which the harbour was situated, but on the payment of dues in the port. In Belfast, the principle had always been different, and the franchise, up to the present, had |