ment. Her Majesty's Government have received no information to the effect that Suleiman Sami was poisoned or drugged on the night preceding his execution. I am not aware whether any post mortem examination of the body was made. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: Will the noble Lord be prepared to answer the Question in another week? LORD EDMOND FITZMAURICE : I must refer the noble Lord to the Report of Major Macdonald, which will be laid before the House. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: When will that be, because I shall ask the Question unanswered without delay ? LORD EDMOND FITZMAURICE: I cannot tell the exact date. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL: I shall repeat the Question in a week. to be able to obtain the complete information in a few days. NAVY-SALE OF SILVER PLATE. MR. O'DONNELL asked the Secretary to the Admiralty, Whether it is true that 25,000 ounces of silver plate, ornamented in relief with the Crown and Anchor of Her Majesty's Navy (a great portion of which is represented as quite new) is about to be sold by public auction by a firm of pawnbrokers? MR. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN: Sir, we have no knowledge of the fact that a firm of pawnbrokers are offering for sale silver with the mark of the Navy. A quantity of silver forks and spoons, has, however, recently been sold under the following circumstances: -The practice of the Navy has been that Commanding Officers of Her Majesty's ships have been supplied with silver and electro-plate under regulations, and on payment of percentage on the value. Of late years, however, since the improvement in the manufacture of preferred to draw for their personal use electro-plate, Commanding Officers have electro-plate, as involving less responsibility, and less charge to them, and consequently large quantities of silver have been returned into store. The silver being no longer required, the stocks were collected and sold on the 4th of Ten MR. TREVELYAN: The case referred to appears to be one in which one labouring man was charged with having amounted to over 30,000 ounces. May last. The total quantity sold committed a serious assault on another, ders were invited from numerous silverand, having been convicted, was sen- smiths and bullion dealers, and the tenced to a month's imprisonment with-highest price was accepted, being slightly out the option of a fine. I cannot re- above the current market price for silview the decision of the magistrate. It ver. In accordance with the practice of is open to the prisoner or his friends to memorialize the Lord Lieutenant to remit the sentence; but I am unable to say whether or not His Excellency would see any grounds for interference. UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND)—RETURN OF PENSIONS OF OFFICIALS. COLONEL ALEXANDER (for Mr. DALRYMPLE) asked the Lord Advocate, When a Return relating to pensions of various Officers of the Scottish Universities, moved for on May 4th, is likely to be in the hands of Members? THE LORD ADVOCATE (Mr. J. B. BALFOUR): Sir, it is somewhat difficult to obtain the full information. The Crown Agent is still in communication with three of the Universities, and we hope Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice the Service, the silver was ornamented with the Crown and Anchor of Her Majesty's Navy. Only about 20 per cent of the silver was new, no silver having been purchased for some years past. MR. O'DONNELL: I will ask the hon. Gentleman if he is aware that a catalogue of 25,000 ounces of silver table plate has been circulated and described as ornamented in relief with the Crown and Anchor of Her Majesty's Navy, and which is described as to a great extent new, and whether that has been circulated for purposes of auction? MR. CAMPBELL - BANNERMAN: I think, Sir, the answer to this Question is included in the one I have already given. MR. O'KELLY asked the Under Secretary of State for India, How many Natives of India were on the Commission which found Mr. Bannerjea guilty of abuse of his judicial functions; and, whether the people of India have not, since his dismissal from the public service, conferred on Mr. Bannerjea important proofs of confidence and respect? MR. J. K. CROSS: Sir, there were no Natives of India on the Commission which inquired into the charges against Mr. Bannerjea. In 1876 he was elected a Municipal Commissioner for the town of Calcutta; he has been a Commis sioner ever since. MR. O'DONNELL asked who were the Members of the Commission? MR. J. K. CROSS: The Members were Mr. H. T. Prinsep, Bengal Civil Service; Mr. H. J. Reynolds, Bengal Civil Service; and Colonel Holroyd, Bengal Staff Corps. MR. O'DONNELL asked the precise charge against Mr. Bannerjea? MR. J. K. CROSS: The precise charge is long and complicated, and is difficult to state. I have already told the hon. Member that he may see a copy of the charges. MR. O'DONNELL asked whether a portion of the charge was not that a Native who was concerned in a case was represented as having absconded; and whether it was not usual in India, as in this country, in such a case to pass it over, and let the consequences fall on the defaulting party; and, whether that was the only charge against Mr. Bannerjea. MR. J. K. CROSS: I have already told the hon. Gentleman that the documents show the charges in full. If the hon. Member wants to know any more, perhaps he will give further Notice. MR. O'DONNELL gave Notice that he should ask further explicit Questions on this point, and that he should not be satisfied with general replies. PARLIAMENT – PUBLIC BUSINESS ROYAL COMMISSION ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. SIR JOHN HAY asked the First Lord of the Treasury, If he has had his attention called to a Notice of Motion, No. 45, page 1635, on the subject of Parlia the time of the House is too fully occumentary Reform; and, presuming that pied to ask for a day for the discussion of this question, to ask if he will be inclined to make its discussion in a future Session more easy, by appointing a Royal Commission to consider in detail the redistribution of seats, and the boundaries of boroughs and towns over 10,000 population, and to report thereon for the information of Parliament ? MR. GLADSTONE: I think, Sir, the right hon. and gallant Gentleman will agree with me that this is not a convenient opportunity for announcing the intentions of the Government in dealing with a question in a future Session, and I shall consider him as only asking me whether we have formed an intention to advise the appointment of a Royal Com mission to consider in detail the redistribution of seats, and my answer on this Question will be in the negative. THE AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS BILLS (ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND). MR. BUCHANAN asked the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether the provisions of the Agricultural Holding Bills for England and Scotland are intended to include holdings that are entirely or partly under garden culture? MR. GLADSTONE: With regard to this Question I think I can only answer it in general terms. The details must be reserved for Committee on the Bills. Undoubtedly the intention of the Government is to include as well as we can everything that is agricultural and not to include anything that is horticultural in the sense of market gardens. The matter, however, will be best settled in Committee on the Bills. PARLIAMENT POLICY OF THE MINISTRY-MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S SPEECH AT BIRMINGHAM. MR. WARTON asked the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether his attention has been called to the speech delivered on the 13th instant at Birmingham by the Right honourable gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, advocating equal electoral districts and payment of Members of Parliament; and, if so, whether the views expressed by that Right honourable gentleman may be taken to indicate the policy of Her Majesty's Government on those subjects. MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, I do not quite understand the motives which have led the hon. and learned Member to put this Question to me; but I will endeavour to answer it with the gravity which characterized his tone in putting it. My right hon. Friend has, I believe, expressed at Birmingham his own personal opinion as to the question of the payment of Members of Parliament and the formation of electoral districts; but I understand that my right hon. Friend made it quite clear that he did not express the opinion of the Government, and I believe that he even reserved a certain amount of discretion to consider within what limits he should apply his own personal opinion if he had the opportunity. I have not thought it at all necessary to ascertain by a catechism addressed to my Colleagues what their opinions may be upon the subject. MR. J. LOWTHER: I wish to ask the hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that his Cabinet Colleague, in the speech to which reference has been made, advocated manhood suffrage; and whether the House is to understand, by the answer of the right hon. Gentleman, that the fundamental basis of the Constitution is to be treated by the Government as an open question? MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, the Question of the hon. and learned Member for Bridport (Mr. Warton) did not call my attention to the subject of manhood suffrage. With regard to "the fundamental basis of the Constitution," the Constitution and its fundamental basis have, within my recollection, been declared by the Party opposite to have been destroyed 10 or 12 times over. If the right hon. Gentleman would be good enough to explain explicitly what he means by the fundamental basis of the Constitution, so that we may know, I shall be happy to answer him; but, until he does, I should be loth to commit myself to an answer on a Question of so grave a character. take care that at the Coroner's inquisition on this painful matter some person would be there to represent the Government and watch the proceedings? SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT: Sir, I have been in communication since yesterday with the Mayor of Sunderland on the subject of this most terrible calamity. The information which he has conveyed to me contains nothing new beyond that which appears in the papers. I have already ordered that a barrister should attend at the inquest in order that the fullest information may be obtained as to the cause of the accident in question. Of course, until that is done, it would not be right for me to express any definite opinion on this subject; but there is one observation which I may be allowed to make. When we have a great concourse of people taking place out-of-doors, it is generally thought necessary by the police to take precautions against any disorder or disturbance. But it does not seem to be thought equally necessary to take similar precautions in regard to concourses of people in large buildings, when, as it seems to me, those precautions are, if possible, even more necessary than in the open air. MR. MACFARLANE asked if the right hon. and learned Gentleman would take means to make the same regulations apply to the country that were now enforced in the Metropolis? [No answer was given to this Question.] INDIA-CRIMINAL CODE PROCEDURE AMENDMENT BILL. MR. ASHMEAD-BARTLETT asked the Under Secretary of State for India, Whether he can communicate to the House any information regarding the official reports upon the Criminal Procedure Bill; and, whether the Government will telegraph to India, directing that the reports of the Bengal and Assam officials which have already been received shall be sent home at once, for the information of this House? MR. J. K. CROSS: Sir, I can only inform the hon. Member for Eye that LAW AND POLICE-THE DISASTER AT the Government of India are aware of SUNDERLAND. SIR R. ASSHETON CROSS wished to ask the Home Secretary, Whether he had received any further information as to the terrible disaster which happened at Sunderland, and whether he would Mr. Warton our anxiety to have the answers to the last Circular on the Criminal Procedure Amendment Act sent home as soon as possible, and it is quite unnecessary to telegraph for these Reports to be sent piecemeal. AUSTRALIAN COLONIES - THE GOVERNORSHIP OF QUEENSLAND. MR. RAIKES: I beg to give Notice that to-morrow I shall ask the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, If there is any foundation for the report that the Governorship of Queensland has been offered to the hon. and learned Member for the City of Limerick (Mr. O'Shaughnessy)? MR. EVELYN ASHLEY: I may as well say at once that there is no truth whatever in the report. PARLIAMENT - BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS (CORRUPT AND ILLEGAL PRACTICES) AND THE AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS (ENGLAND) BILLS. MR. HENEAGE asked the Prime Minister, If the Committee stage of the Agricultural Holdings Bill would be taken in such time that the final stage would be reached early in August, so that landlords and tenants would have an opportunity of considering it before Michaelmas ? MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, the only arrangement I consider to have been made with regard to the Business of the House in respect of the Bill referred to and that of the Parliamentary Elections (Corrupt and Illegal Practices) Bill relates to the stage of Committee. After the stage of Committee the matter will have to be considered again as to what may be, on the whole, most advantageous for the Business of the Session. But most certainly I should regard it as a very unhappy circumstance if this Bill should not be passed within the liberal margin of time my hon. Friend assigns. the House. I have already had an opportunity of informing the right hon. Gentleman of my intention of bringing this matter forward, and have sent him a copy taken from The Times newspaper in order that he might inform me if there were any inaccuracies in that report. I granted that the words are faithfully presume that I may take it for reported. The matter is one which I the House, because I quite feel, as you, am sorry to be obliged to bring before Sir, have on former occasions expressed it, that it is undesirable that time should be taken up with discussions of this character, except when the case is strong and important. But, Sir, it does appear to me that, in the present instance, the gravity of the charge made by the right hon. Gentleman and the authority of the right hon. Gentleman himself are so great that it is one of those cases that must be treated as exceptional, and demanding immediate notice. I will read the words to which I specially object; but before doing so I wish to point out that by the context the words are evidently pointed at the great body of the Conservative Party in this House. They occur in the course of an argument addressed by the right hon. Gentleman to his constituents at Birmingham, in which he points out various faults which he has found with the Conservative Pary to which he has so long been opposed. He makes a survey of the course the Conservative Party have pursued from the days of Sir Robert Peel to the present time; and there can be no doubt, therefore, as to the persons to whom he refers. The remarks to which I wish particularly to call the attention of the House are these. The right hon. Gentleman says— "Now, the House of Commons at this moment, and it is the last point to which I will make reference, the House of Commons, in a portion of its Members, seems to me to be abandoning the character and conduct of gentlemen, as heretofore seen in that assembly. The party of which I have spoken, in not a few of its Members, appears willing to repudiate the authority of a majority of the Constituencies." That appears to me a charge against us for not immediately accepting the dictates of the majority. Then come the words to which I particularly wish to call attention "They know that the majority believes as the Constituencies believe, and wishes to do for the Constituencies what the Constituencies de 2 D mand, but they are determined, if it be possible, that the majority of the Constituencies shall fail in their efforts. And, what is worse at this moment, as you see (and you do not so much see it here as it is seen in the House") therefore, he was speaking from his own experience in the House They are found in alliance with an Irish rebel party, the main portion of whose funds, for the purposes of agitation, come directly from the avowed enemies of England, and whose oath of allegiance is broken by association with its enemies. Now, these are the men of whom I spoke, who are disregarding the wishes of the majority of the Constituencies, and making it impossible to do any work for the country in the House of Commons." Now, so far as these words are intended to convey to his hearers and the public that there is anything in the nature of systematic Obstruction by the Conservative Party of measures brought forward in this House-I mean Obstruction as distinguished from that fair opposition and discussion which it is the duty of every minority, which I venture to say that the right hon. Gentleman in his past career has on many occasions found it necessary to give to measures in this House-I say that if there is in these words an intention on the part of the right hon. Gentleman to impute to the Conservative Party any other opposition than that, that charge is unfounded and baseless; and I say, moreover, that it is a charge which, if made at all, ought to be made, not on a platform at Birmingham, but it should be made in the House of Commons, and in such a manner that it can be met and discussed and settled in the presence of those against whom the charge is made. That is my complaint with regard to the substance. of the charge; but as regards some of the language which I have read, the matter goes even beyond that. The right hon. Gentleman has charged the Conservative Party, in language which is very clear-his language always is clear -with being in alliance with a "rebel Party," and a Party whose Oath of Allegiance is broken by association with the enemies of the country. That is language to which it is utterly impossible that Members of this House can, on whatever side they sit, listen without demanding some explanation and some satisfaction for such extraordinary observations. I do not mean to trouble the House by going into the question of precedents for calling the attention of the House to Sir Stafford Northcote breaches of Privilege, though I could detain the House at some length if necessary, for the purpose of showing what the precedents are in this connection. I will only refer to one case, one of the latest, and I refer to it for the purpose of quoting an opinion then expressed by Mr. Disraeli, the Leader of the House, and which I think fairly expresses the view we ought to take on this matter. It was on the occasion when Mr. Sullivan, then a Member of this House, brought certain charges against more than one Gentleman as to certain language used with regard to the Irish Party outside the House, and more especially by Mr. Justice Lopes, who was then a Member of this House. In the course of the discussion Mr. Disraeli said "I am not here to deny that it is a breach of Privilege to speak of any Members of this House in their capacity as such in terms which imply disgrace or ignominy." It appears to me that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Birmingham has so spoken of Members of this House. It appears to me that the language he has used is of a character that, being very serious and being applied to hon. Members in their capacity of Members of Parliament, demands notice on the part of the House. I shall not detain the House any longer, as I think it is unnecessary to do so; but I will ask that the remarks which I have quoted as reported in The Times newspaper be now read by the Clerk at the Table; and, when they have been so read, it is my intention to move that they constitute a breach of Privilege. The said Paper was delivered in, and the paragraph complained of read as follows:: "Now, the House of Commons at this moment, and it is the last point to which I will make reference, the House of Commons, in a portion of its Members, seems to me to be abandoning the character and the conduct of gentlemen, as heretofore seen in that assembly. The party of which I have spoken, in not a few of its Members, appears willing to repudiate the authority of a majority of the Constituencies. They tuencies believe, and wishes to do for the Conknow that the majority believes as the Constistituencies what the Constituencies demand, but they are determined, if it be possible, that the majority of the Constituencies shall fail in their efforts. And, what is worse at this moment, as you see (you do not so much see it here as it is seen in the House), they are found in alliance with an Irish rebel party, the main portion of |