ing the general principle of the measure, propofed eight articles, as the foundations on which it might be established, to the mutual benefit of both kingdoms.

The firit imported, that, on the first day of January, 1801, the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland fhould, for ever after, be united into one kingdom, by the name of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The fecond, that the fucceffion to the imperial crown of the faid united kingdom, and of the dominions thereunto belonging, fhould continue limited and fettled in the fame manner as it now ftands limited and fettled, according to the union between EngJand and Scotland. The third, that the fame united kingdom be united in one and the fame parliament. The fourth, that four lords fpiritual of Ireland, by rotation of feffions, and twenty-eight lords temporal of Freland, elected for life by the peers of Ireland, fhould be the number to fit and vote, on the part of Ireland, in the houfe of lords, in the parliament of the united kingdom. The filth, that the churches of England and Ireland should be united into one proteftant epifcopal church, to be called, "The united church of England and Ireland," and that the doctrine, worship, and difcipline, of the faid church, thould remain in full force for ever; and that the continuance and prefervation of the faid united church fhould be, for ever, held as a fundamental article of the union. It appears fingular, at firft fight, but the reafon will quickly occur to every reader of 'hiftory, that the legiflatures of the two countries, on this occafion, thould recognife particularly the laws already made for the continuance and pre

fervation of the church of Scotland, by the union of England and Scotland. The fixth article provided for a fair participation in commercial privileges; for which end, however, it was thought necessary to impofe certain countervailing duties. The feventh left to each kingdom the feparate difcharge of its public debt already incurred, and ordained, that, from twenty years from the union, the national expense fhould be defrayed in the proportion of fifteen parts for Great Britain, and two for Ireland. The eight ordained that the laws and courts of both kingdoms, civil and ecclefiaftical, fhould remain as they were now established, fubject, however, to fuch alterations, as the united legiflatures might hereafter deem expedient-All laws, at present in force in either kingdom, which fhould be contrary to any of the provifions that might be enacted by any act for carrying the above articles into effect, from and after the union, to be repealed.

In fupport of thefe propofitions, the fecretary difplayed great ability, found fenfe, comprehenfive views, clear arrangement, and an easy flow of eloquence. One of the moft important and interefting points in queftion was the parliamentary reprefentation of Ireland. On this head, his lordship contended that the propofed number of Irish legiflators ought to fatisfy every reasonable man, as it might be deemed a juft proportion, under the combined view of the refpective population, and future contributions of Great Britain and Ireland. As many boroughs would be disfranchifed, by the new regulations, it would be proper, he faid, to make compenfation to fuch individuals as might

be

he injured by the lofs of their preferiptive privileges. By the new arrangements, he added, the queftion of parliamentary reform would be fuperfeded, as the prefent plan was a reform of the most popular kind. With regard to the church, another important and a delicate topic, and what had been frequently a fubject of acrimonious conteft, he expreffed his conviction of the infecurity of that of Ireland, if it fhould continue feparate from the English establishment; but, in event of an union, he had no doubt that the prefent ecclefiaftical establishment, founded on the proteftant afcendancy, would be ftable and permanent. The catholics, who, trufting to their great fuperiority of numbers, were continually urg. ing claims against the minority, would be checked in their confidence and forwardness, and exhibit fewer marks of jealoufy and miftruft; and their pretenfions would be temperately difcuffed by an imperial parliament, at a time when local circumftances would ceafe to irritate and inflame.

On the fubject of trade, lord Caftlereagh obferved, that the circumstances of the two countries did not admit a complete incorporation of commercial interefts, becaufe fome of the Irish manufactures, were not fufficiently advanced to profper without protecting duties; and the difparity of the burthens borne by the British manufactures, in confequence of a greater fhare of taxation, rendered it impracticable to adjuft this part of the fyftem, on any other principle than that of a full freedom of export between the countries.

The noble fecretary of state proteeded next to maintain the pro

priety of the financial fyftem of the plan propofed for an union. This part of the arrangement, he faid, was more beneficial to Ireland than to Great Britain: but he entered a ftrong caveat against any idea that this pecuniary advantage was intended as a compenfation to the former realm; for the lofs of honour, or of other interefts. The offer was made on the wide bafis of a fair and mutual agreement. It were greatly to be wifhed, he faid, that the two kingdoms fhould be fo completely incorporated, as not to have diftin&t revenues; but, in the prefent circumftances of both realms, this point could not be fatisfactorily adjufted, I was therefore expedient to felect a criterion of relative ability, by which the feparate contributions could be regulated. Lord Caftlereagh, having compared the exports and imports of Ireland with thofe of Great Britain, and the excited articles of confumption in one kingdom with thofe of another, for the last three years, eftimated the ratio of abili ́y in the different kingdoms, as one to feven and a half. And to fhew the operation of this proportion, he flated the refpective expenditures of the two countries in the laft year, and compared that of Ireland with what it would have been, according to the alleged ratio; fo as to prove that nearly a million fterling would have been faved by the weftern realm. Ireland would gain another advantage in a participation of a proprietary right in the territorial revenue of Britain, whence fhe would derive two-fifteenths of the fum annually paid to government by the Eaft-India company.

This projecì, or plan for an union, was oppofed by various [[2] fpeakers,

fpeakers, from, no doubt, various motives; fome of them private, fome of them public. Mr. Grattan, a pensioned tribune of the Irish nation, and a true orator as well as acute reafoner, was, as might be expected, one of the warmest and the most impreffive oppofers of the union, in the houfe of commons. The vehemence of his zeal and oratory expofed him to an attack from Mr. Corry, the chancellor of the Irish exchequer, whofe recommendations of the union he anfwered in terms fo bitter and offenfive, that a challenge enfued. Mr. Corry was wounded in a duel; but Mr. Grattan escaped unhurt.

In the Irish houfe of peers, the man who fignalized his zeal against the union, above that of all the peers, in oppofition to the union, was the marquis of Downfhire. He oppofed it with indefatigable induftry and perfeverance, with moderate eloquence, but with the weight of a fair and unblemished character, and the reputation of being fincerely and faithfully attached to his native country. Neither his exertions nor thofe of other lords were of any avail. The measure of the union was agreed to, in the Irish house of lords, by a great majority. Yet a proteft against a legiflative union with Great Britain was entered on the journals of the Irish house of lords, by twenty peers; for an account of whom, and of the grounds of their proteft, as well as for a more particular account of the articles of the union, we muft refer our readers to the State Papers in this volume. The molt interefting debates on the union took place, as was to be expected, in the Irish houfe of commons. On the thirteenth of

March, fir John Parnell, wifhing to have the fenfe of the nation more decifively afcertained than it could be in the prefent parliament, moved that the king fhould be requested to diffolve it, and convoke another, and a kind of convention parliament. Mr. Saurin, a barrister, diftinguifhed himfelf greatly, by his eloquence and fpirit in fupport of the motion, and ftrongly urged an appeal to the people. The folicitor-general accufed Mr. Saurin of "unfurling the bloody flag of rebellion;" Mr. Egan infinuated that the folicitor and other members of adminiftration, “had unfurled the flag of prostitution and corruption." The motion was negatived, after a long and animated debate, by a great majority. After fome alterations of the articles, the plan of the union, as was foreleen by the Britih government, was approved by the fame parliament, which the year before had rejected it. And an addrefs was voted by the two houfes, on the twenty-feventh of March, informing his majefty of the refult of their deliberations. that addrefs," they confidered the refolutions of the two houfes of the British parliament as wifely calculated to form the bafis of an incorporation of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, under his majef ty's aufpicious government, by a complete and entire union of their legiflature. They had adopted them as their guide in the meafures they had purfued, and they now felt it their duty to lay before his majeffy the refolutions to which they had agreed, and which, if they fhould be approved by the two houfes of the parliament of Great Britain, they were ready to confirm and ratify, in order that the fame might

In

be

be established for ever by mutual confent of both parliaments." This addrefs, with the refolutions of the lords and commons of Ireland, containing the terms propofed by them for an entire union between the two kingdoms, was communicated by his majefty to the British parliament, on the fecond of April, and became the chief fubject of their deleberations from the twenty-firft of that month to the twelfth of May. The great measure of the union, its principle, conditions, and tendency, having been amply difcuffed in the parliamentary proceedings of 1799, fully ftated in our laft volume, it would be unneceffary, and might appear tedious to give an account of all the questions, arguments, oblervations, and adjourn ments that arose in the various difcuffions it underwent, in the different stages through which it was again carried, after it was remitted, flightly altered, and approved by the Irish parliament. The meafure of the union, in the house of peers, was oppofed by lord Holland, who, among other arguments against it, urged its probably unhappy effects on the British conftitution. The introduction of one hundred Irish members into the house of commons, and thirty-two into that of their lordfhips, muft add, he thought, confiderably to the influence of the crown. This innovation in the frame of the house of commons naturally involved the queftion of parliamentary reform. The great ground on which this was objected to, heretofore, was innovation. That place being now done away, he knew not with what confiftency they could refufe reform. Though the parliament of Ireland was to be abolished, yet all the

engines of corruption in that coun try, the laft of places, were ftill to remain, and their influence brought to bear; not on three hundred legiflators as formerly, but on one hundred, which obviously must add to the influence of the crown.— Lord Grenville expreffed his furprize at being called on, this day, to fupport the general principle of a queftion which had been repeatedly, recently, and almoft unanimoufly recognized by both houfes of parliament. of parliament. He defended the meafure, as beneficial to the two kingdoms, and as being carried on, not as lord Holland had contended, by corrupt, or intimidating, but by fair and conftitutional means. With regard to the argument of the noble lord, that the introduction of one hundred members into the house of cominons, and thirty-two into that of peers, would endanger the Britifh conftitution, by increafing the influence of the crown; he observed that the mode chalked out for the election of members was fuch, under the genuine principles of the British conflitution, as would render them as free from any imputation as that fuggefted, as could poffibly be done; as was alfo the mode of electing the peers, by rendering their feats as fecure and independent as that of any individual peer in that boufe, namely, for their lives. Ireland, he contended, would be beft governed through the medium of a joint legiflature, to which Ireland thouid fend her full and fair proportion of reprefentatives. The meafure of the union was formed on principles fimilar to thofe furnished chiefly by the precedent of the Scotch union. The effect of the whole fyftem was fuch as to infure a permanent and confiderable in[13] creafe

creafe of wealth and profperity to Ireland, bat on principles of reciprocal benefit to both countries; which must ultimately tend to confolidate the connection, and aug ment the firength and refources of the empire. With regard to the idea that parliamentary reform could not, after an union with Ireland, be refifted, on the ground of innovation, Lord Grenville faid, that parliamentary reform (hould always be refifted by him, as it ever had been, on account of its general dangerous tendency, and its hoftility to the genuine and vital principles of the British conftitution; which, as experience had proved, was fully adequate to all its purpoles.

The marquis of Townshend approved of an union with Ireland, as the most effectual means of educating and civilizing the natives of fome part of that country. Even in certain parts in England they were not a little deficient in education and civilization, but in none fo ignorant and barbarous as in fome parts of Ireland. The marquis himfelf knew a place there, where an attorney and a publican, the ftewards of the landlord, railed what contributions they could, with.out returning a fourth part to the proprietors, and oppreffed the poor people who had no magiftrate to interfere for them.

The carl of Weftmoreland took a general view of the diftractions, religious and political, which, for fome years pafi, had agitated Ireland. Thele, he thought, were al.oft unavoidable, under the exifting form of government in that country, and, of courfe, to be remo ed only by the expedient of a Jeg flative union with this country,

He admitted that a refpectable party in Ireland, and a number of well-intentioned perfons, were hoftile to the union: but the greater part of this hoftility, he faid, proceeded from prejudice, want of information, or the influence and exertions of the evil-minded and defigning: but all the traiterous, and difaffected in that country were, to a man, oppofed to the union, and for an obvious reafon-that it would annihilate their fyftem, and render all things abortive.

Lord King confidered the meafure in queftion, carried as it had been, rather as a fpecies of conqueft in Ireland, where not only the means of corruption had been ufed, but intimidation alfo. The introduction of the thirty-two peers and one hundred commoners into the united parliament would, he thought, materially increafe the influence of the minifler, which would be much ftrengthened by the circumftance of the Irish exchequer and eftablifhments being kept feparate from thofe of this country.

Lord Darnley aufwered, in very able manner, the principal objections to the union. With regard to the great objection of its being likely to fake the British conftitution, he faid, that no poffible plan, of fome parliamentary reprefentation for Ireland, could have been deviled to confonant to popular principles, or that before the houfe, which felected from the prefent. Irish houfe of commons all the members for counties, with a few only for the principal cities and towns, and made the election of peers for life.

In the houfe of commons, Mr. Pitt, in the course of a long speech, in defence and commendation of

the