to mention telegraphs, balloons, and flying artillery.

With regard to the third clafs, in that divifion of the fciences which we have followed, mind, the true method of philofophifing, has of late begun to be applied to this as well as to phyfical fubjects, with a degree of fuccefs, not indeed very great and brilliant, yet of fufficient certainty, as well as importance, to encourage the experimental pneu matologift to go on with his obfervations, experiments (for fuch experiments as well as thofe in natural philofophy may certainly be made, and that too at lefs trouble and expenfe), and records. Certain laws, according to which ideas, emotions, and paflions, fucceed or pafs into one another, in the human mind, have been univerfally recognized, and feem to be as certain and undoubted as thofe of attraction and gravitation.*

Agreeably to the fpeculative and enterprising genius of the age in other concerns, great boldness was ufed in the application of the moral nature of man to the fcience of politics. To philofophers in different countries, particularly in France and Germany, there appeared to be a wide and almost unbounded fcope for difcovery and invention, in the conduct of education, the framing of laws, and the establishment of various inflitutions. They not only inculcated political rights, but taught how to form political powers. The modem difcovery in politics, of political reprefentation, though not peculiar to the eighteenth century, was then a fubject of more ferious attention than it ever had been.

The conteft, between Great Britain and her colonies, illuftrated the natural and juft connection between reprefentation and taxation; and, the dependence on the power and confequence of the fcattered multitude, on their association and union, emancipated North America. Alfociation and union emancipated Ireland. Affociation and union, a coincidence of opinions, and a concert of wills, were alfo the engines that fubvered the ancient order of affairs in France, in the Netherlands, and which, alfo opened a pallage for the introduction of the great inftruments of revolution into other countries. Clubs or affocia tions, ramifying, multiplying, and extending themfelves, by affiliation, over countries, kingdoms, and even diftant empires, like the brotherhood of free-mafons, formed a mighty, engine of political power, which, when it draws along with it public opinion, becontes wholly irrefiftible. Great and illuftrious names, our great Frederics and Catharines, feem to control the times in which they live: but, on an examination of the fpirit by which they are actuated, the objects they aim at, and the meafures they purfue, we fall find that there is a tide in the affairs of nations as well as of men; a tide which the greateft fovereign princes cannot command, but on which they, with others, are irrefiftibly borne. And it is the progrefs or viciffitudes of public opinion, and public fpirit arifing out of public opinion, that lays the trains which fooner or later breaks forth in grand revolutionary explofions: of which, there is to be ge

او

nerally

nerally found one or more in the courfe of every century." *

A very ftriking and important example of the means by which, in the hands of Providence, the world is governed; we have in the hiftory of the reformation, to which we may be permitted to refer with out being thought too digreffive, the rather that this grand event was the forerunner, and prepared the way to that general fermentation which burst forth, towards the clofe of the eighteenth century, in fo much political convulfion.

Had the whole Chriftian world, at the time when Luther began to preach against indulgentes, been devoted to the Roman faith, however abfurd the doctrines of the clergy, and however profligate their lives, he could not poffibly have met with any confiderable fuccefs. Such is the power of eftablished authority, and univerfally-received opinion. But the never-ceafing contefts between the popes, on the one part, and the emperor with other fovereign princes on the other, diminished of, themfelves the reverence for the papal jurifdiction, and roufed an inquiry into the grounds on which it was established; an inquiry, which was facilited by the revival of literature. The difcoveries of grave theologians, and antiquarians, were followed by the ridicule of wit and humour. Savanerola and Wickliff were aided by Dante, Petrarch, and Erafmus.In the beginning of the fixteenth century, the primitive doctrines of

Chriftianity had taken root in most countries of Europe. The materials for reformation were collected, and the foundations laid deep, before Luther and Calvin raised and completed the fuperftructure. The minds of men being thus prepared, the doctrines of the reformers fpread far and wide. The reformed religion was adopted and protected by fovereign ftates and princes: and, after a war, continued with little interruption for more than a century, was finally established as the national worship of near the half of Europe, together with the balance of political power, by the peace of Weftphalia, in 1648. This peace, which terminated the difputes, religious and civil, between the catholic powers on the one hand, and the proteftant powers on the other, was the greatest event, and that which was moft characteristic of the feventeenth century. From the treaty of Weftphalia to the middle of the eighteenth century, and upwards, the fpirit that ftill prefided in the great councils of Europe was a jealousy of religious interefts and views of political agrandizement. Politicians talked of the catholic and proteftant interefts; and, fo late as 1755-6, the great king of Pruffia, Frederic II. was called the Proteftant Hero.

As the doctrines of the reformation fhook the papal throne, which has fince fallen, in the courfe of the feventeenth and eighteenth centuries, fo the fame doctrines, toge ther with the advancement of lite

rature

rature, which may be confidered as their grand ally, fapped the foundations of feudal authority in France and other kingdoms of Europe, in the courle of the eighteenth. The remaining wealth of the church was plundered in France and the Netherlands, and even in Spain the contributions demanded, from the wealth of the church, are a fure forerunner of the confifcation of the whole. Large patrimonial inheritances, and hereditary prerogatives of all kind began to be regarded with an evil eye. Monarchical governments and domains, the vaft eftates and privileges of nobles began to be fplit, and crumbled into democratical atoms. And this is the grand event, and that which is moft characteristical of the eighteenth century.

The progrefs of that spirit, which effected the fall of the church, and threatens alfo the ruin of military or feudal power is fcarcely more remarkable than the means by which the established powers, in both cafes, religious and political, attempted to oppofe and reprefs it. They did not oppofe argument to argument, merely: but, though argumentation was not wholly neglected, they rested their cause chief ly on phyfical force: they ftrove to put gags into the mouths of their opponents; and to the pen oppofed the bayonet.

The growth of democracy being justly traced to clubs, or political focieties, these were every where, in monarchical governments, difcouraged and difperfed. Even in Great Britain, a law was made, prohibiting all meetings of the people, in or out of doors, to any number above fifty, without previous notice thereof being given to a magiftrate,

who was obliged to attend the meetings, and, on pain of inftant death, to diffolve them at pleasure. With regard to the relations of Bri tain, and other fovereign powers, who durft to avow their fentiments, it plainly appeared, notwithstanding the pretence of reftoring the Bourbons to the throne of their ancestors, they were either actuated by views of ambition, or had nothing more in view than to main. tain a war with France, without any definite object, as long as they fhould be enabled to do fo, in order to prevent that infection, which was juftly to be dreaded from a free and amicable intercourfe with the French, (ever ready to propagate, with zeal, their opinions, and even modes and fashions,) in times ofpeace. The politicians, who had nothing, or little more than this, in view, dextrously obviated the principle of imitation, by operating on that animofity and rivality which is wont to fubfift between neighbouring nations, nearly on a par, in refpect of power and reputation.

As the confequences of the revolutions that took place in respect of religious doctrines and eftablifhments were not foreseen, in the times of Luther and Calvin, and at the peace of Weftphalia, fo neither do we, of the prefent æra, forefee the confequences that are to follow (for confequences muft follow), the mighty blow that has been given to the feudal fyftem. The double attack that has been made, in the courfe of the three last centuries, on established authorities, in matters both civil and religious, and that in times of fuch extended, eafy, and ready intercourle, cannot be other than rapid, as well as important. The intelligent and reflecting mind [Q 3]

looks

looks forward with a mixture of hope and fear. Revolutions muft come to pafs, and that quickly. But all changes, we know from recent and dreadful experience, are not for the better. The lightning that blafts is as powerful in effect, and as rapid in its communication, as the folar rays that fuftain and cheer furrounding worlds.

In characterizing the eighteenth century, by marking the viciffitudes of religious, moral, and political opinion, it will be proper to notice the wonderful effects that have been wrought, in the courfe of that period, by the progreffive influence, of the exchange of feudal fervices for money: or of a feudal and military fyftem of contribution for the public fervice, for one commercial and financical. The exchange of military fervice in the field for mo ney affeffed for the maintenance of ftanding armies, has been naturally followed by an increase of armies that feems to defy all bounds, until the whole mafs of contending nationsfall be converted, as in preceding times of barbarifm, into foldiers and flaves: brave and honourable warriors, or helotes, villani, or bondmen under other names, whofe bufinefs it is to cultivate the ground for the ufe of their lords and mafters. Immoderate taxes have been the neceffary concomitants of this new order of affairs, immenfe public debts, a kind of new ariftocracy of monied capitalists, who lend money to governments on ufurous terms, and a colJufion between the governments and there new ariftocrats, whereby the interefts of the people at large are facrificed to the ambition and pride of the one party, and the avarice and rapacity of the other. This collufion is a fource of mifery to the opprefled nations; and tends,

in the end, to the embarrassment and even ruin of the oppreffors. It was the financical difficulties of France, that formed the proximate caufe, or link, in the chain of caufes, that involved the revolution. This exchange of baronial perfonal fervices in the field, for the means of raifing and keeping on foot mercenary armies, did not indeed originate in the eighteenth century: but its effects were never fo fully and extenfively difplayed and fince ro period can be rightly defcribed or characterifed, without comparing it with other and preceding periods, it will not be toreign to our present defign, to take a fhort review of the ftate of Europe, in regard to the fubject in hand, from the grand æra of the middle of the fifteenth century.

Conftantinople being taken by Mahomed the Second, in 1543, many learned Greeks fought and found an afylum in Italy. The favourable reception they met with from the popes, princes, and chief men in the republics of that celebrated country, foon introduced among the better fort of Italians the ftudy of the Greek tongue, and of the ancient authors in that language. About the fame time alfo, though fomewhat later, fome learned men began to restore the purity of the Latin tougue: but that which contributed moft to the advancement of all kinds of learning, and particularly the ftudy of the ancients, was the art of printing; which, a few years after the arrival of the Greeks, from Conftantinople, in Italy, was brought to a great degree of pertection. By means of the prefs, the books of the ancients were multiplied and became common, and their arts generally underflood and admired. Italy foon fwarmed with

architects,

architects, painters, and feulptors; and vaft expenles were undergone in buildings, pictures, and ftatues. Thus the Italians were drawn off from their former way of life, which was military and frugal, and addicted themfelves to the purfuit of refined and expenfive pleatures. A Lfte for thefe pleatures was extended by degrees to neighbouring natious: while, by the improvement and extended courfe of navigation, above noticed, the luxury of Alia and America was added to that of the ancients. A great uni formity in the coftume and mode of lie had hitherto prevailed; but now, to all other expenfes there was added that arifing from a neverceafing change of the fashions, in clothes, equipage, and the furniture of honfes.

The far greater fhare of all thofe expenfes, fell on the barons, which enabled them to fupport, and whole dignity feemed to reqirue them. Inftead of vieing with each other in the numbers and boldness of their retainers, they became emulous of each other in the fplendour and ele gance of their houfes and tables. This involved them in fuch heavy debts, that if they did not tell, or otherwife alienate, their lands (which it was not, indeed, at first in their power to do*) they were at leaft obliged to convert into money, for the payment of their creditors, the military fervices due to them from their vaffals: which was done partly by way of rent, and partly by way of leale or fine. Thus the vaffal, inftead of a military retamer, became a tenant. As the baron, or feigneur, accepted money

from his vaffals, instead of military fervice, fo the king was under the neceffity of accepting pecuniary contributions, inftead of perfonal military fervice from the feigneur or baron. The nobility and gentry affembled in diets and parliaments, for the maintenance of mercenary armies, voted fums of money to be levied on the people, grown rich by trade, and diffpirited for want of military exercife. Such forces were at firft raifed only for prefent exigencies, and kept on foot no longer than the circumftances that occafioned them. But princes foon found pretences for making them perpetual; the principle of which was the garrifoning of frontier towns and fortrelles. The officers and foldiers of thele mercenary armies depending, for their fubfiftence and preferment, as much upon the prince, as the former militias did upon the barons, the fword was transferred from the hands of fubjects into thole of kings, and war was converted into a trade to which multitudes had recourse, for the means of living. Nay, many of the barons themfelves, being reduced to poverty, by their expensive way of living, took commands in thofe mercenary troops; and, being full continued hereditary members of diets, and other affemblies of ftate, after the loss of their vaffals, whom they formerly reprefented, they were now the readieft of all men to load the people with heavy taxes; which were employed by armies, fortreffes, and garrifons; and all thefe ftill increafing with the increating ambition of victorious princes, the jealoufies of their

neighbours,