I knew very well, Hannibal, that it was the hope of your return which emboldened the Carthaginians to break the truce with us, and to lay afide all thoughts of a peace, when it was just upon the point of being concluded; and your prefent propofal is a proof of it. You retrench from their conceffions every thing but what we are, and have been long poffeffed of. But as it is your care that your fellowcitizens fhould have the obligations to you, of being eafed from a great part of their burden, fo it ought to be mine that they draw no advantage from their perfidioufnefs. Nobody is more fenfible than I am of the weakness of man, and the power of fortune, and that whatever we enterprize is fubject to a thousand chances. If, before the Romans paffed into Africa, you had of your own accord quitted Italy, and made the offers you now make, I believe they would not have been rejected. But as you have been forced out of Italy, and we are mafters here of the open country, the fituation of things is much altered. And, what is chiefly to be confidered, the Carthaginians, by the late treaty which we entered into at their requeft, were, over and above what you offer, to have reftored to us our prifoners without ranfoin, delivered up their fhips of war, paid us five thoufand talents, and to have given hoftages for the performance of all. The fenate accepted thefe conditions, but Carthage failed on her part; Carthage deceived us. What then is to be done? Are the Carthaginians to be released from the most important articles of the treaty, as a reward of their breach of faith? No, certainly. If, to the conditions before agreed upon, you had added fome new articles to our advantage, there would have been matter of reference to the Roman people; but when, instead of adding, you retrench, there is no room for deliberation. The Carthaginians therefore muft fubmit to us at difcretion, or muft vanquish us in battle. Hooke. 19. The Character of POMPEY. Pompey had early acquired the furname of the Great, by that fort of merit which, from the conftitution of the republic, neceffarily made him great; a fame and fuccefs in war, fuperior to what Rome had ever known in the moft celebrated of her generals. He had triumphed, at three feveral times, over the three different parts of the known world, Europe, Afia, Africa; and by his victories had almost doubled the extent, as well as the revenues of the Roman dominion; for, as he declared to the people on his return from the Mithridatic war, he had found the leffer Afia the boundary, but left it the middle of their empire. He was about fix years older than Cæfar; and while Cefar, immerfed in pleafures, oppreffed with debts, and fufpected by all honeft men, was hardly able to fhew his head, Pompey was flourishing in the height of power and glory; and, by the confent of all parties, placed at the head of the republic. This was the post that his ambition feemed to aim at, to be the first man in Rome; the leader, not the tyrant of his country; for he more than once had it in his power to have made himself the mafter of it without any risk, if his virtue, or his phlegm at least, had not reftrained him: but he lived in a perpetual expectation of receiving from the gift of the people, what he did not care to feize by force; and, by fomenting the diforders of the city, hoped to drive them to the neceflity of creating him dictator. It is an obfervation of all the hiftorians, that while Cæfar made no difference of power, whether it was conferred or ufurped, whether over thofe who loved, or those who feared him; Pompey seemed to value none but what was offered; nor to have any defire to govern, but with the good-will of the governed. What leifure he found from his wars, he employed in the ftudy of polite letters, and especially of eloquence, in which he would have acquired great fame, if his genius had not drawn him to the more dazzling glory of arms; yet he pleaded feveral caufes with applaufe, in the defence of his friends' and clients; and fome of them in conjunction with Cicero. His language was copious and elevated; his fentiments just; his voice fweet; his action noble, and full of dignity. But his talents were better formed for arms than the gown; for though in both he obferved the fame dif cipline, Pharfalia, was forced to confefs, that he had trufted too much to his hopes; and that Cicero had judged better, and feen farther into things than he. The refolution of fecking refuge in Egypt finished the fad catastrophe of this great man; the father of the reigning prince had been highly obliged to him for his protection at Rome, and restoration to his kingdom: and the fon had fent a confiderable feet to his affiftance in the prefent war: but in this ruin of his fortunes, what gratitude was there to be expected from a court governed by eunuchs and mercenary Greeks? all whofe politics turned, not on the honour of the king, but the eft blishment of their own power; which was likely to be eclipfed by the admiffion of Pompey. How happy had it been for him to have died in that ficknefs, when all Italy was putting up vows and prayers for his fafety! or, if he had fallen by the chance of war, on the plains of Pharfalia, in the defence of his country's liberty, he had died still glorious, though unfortunate; but, as if he had been referved for an example of the inftability of human greatnefs, he, who a few days before commanded kings and confuls, and all the nobleft of Rome, was fentenced to die by a council of flaves; murdered by a bafe deferter; cat out naked and headles on the Egyptian strand; and when the whole earth, as Velleius fays, had fearce been fufficient for his victories, could not find a fpot upon it at laft for a grave. His body was burnt on the fhore by one of his freed-men, with the planks of an old fishing-boat; and his afhes, being conveyed to Rome, were depofited privately, by his wife Cornelia, in a vault by his alban villa. The Egyptians however railed a monument to him on the place, and adorned it with figures of brafs, which being defaced afterwards by time, and buried almost in fand and rubbish, was fought out, and restored by the emperor Hadrian. cipline, a perpetual modefty, temperance, Middleton. 20. Submillion; Complaint; IntreatingThe Speech ef SENECA the Philofopher to NERO, complaining of the Envy of his Enemies, and requesting the Emperor to reduce him back to his former narrow Circumftances, that he might no longer be an Object of their Malignity. May it please the imperial majefty of Cæfar, favourably to accept the hum's fubmifions and grateful acknowledgments Y y + of of the weak though faithful guide of his youth. would kindly eafe me of the trouble of my unwieldy wealth. I befeech him to reftore to the imperial treafury, from whence it came, what is to me fuperfluous and cumbrous. The time and the attention, which I am now obliged to bestow upon my villa and my gardens, I fhall be glad to apply to the regulation of my mind. Cæfar is in the flower of life; long may he be equal to the toils of government! His goodness will grant to his worn-out fervant leave to retire. It will not be derogatory from Cæfar's greatnefs to have it faid, that he beftowed favours on fome, who, fo far from being intoxicated with them, fhewedthat they could be happy, when (at their own request) divested of them. It is now a great many years fince I first had the honour of attending your imperial majefty as preceptor. And your bounty has rewarded my labours with fuch affluence, as has drawn upon me, what I had reafon to expect, the envy of inany of thofe perfons, who are always ready to prefcribe to their prince where to bellow, and where to withhold his favours. It is well known, that your illuftrious anceftor, Auguftus, beflowed on his deferving favourites, Agrippa and Mæcenas, honours and emoluments, fuitable to the dignity of the benefactor, and to the fervices of the receivers: nor has his conduct been blamed. My employment about your imperial majefty has, indeed, been purely domeftic: I have neither headed your § armies, nor affifted at your councils. But you know, Sir, (though there are fome who do not feem to attend to it) that a prince may be ferved in different ways, fome more, others lefs corfpicuous: and that the latter may be to him as valuable as the former. But what!" fay my enemies, "fhall a private perfon, of equefrian rank, " and a provincial by birth, be advanced "to an equality with the patricians? Shall "an upftart, of no name nor family, rank "with thofe who can, by the ftatues which "make the ornament of their palaces, "reckon backward a line of ancestors, "long enough to tire out the fafli? Shall a philofopher who has written for others "precepts of moderation, and contempt "of all that is external, himself live in affluence and luxury? Shall he purchafe "eftates and lay out money at intereft? "Shall he build palaces, plant gardens, "and adorn a country at his own expence, and for his own pleasure?" Cæfar has given royally, as became imperial magnificence. Seneca has reSeneca has received what his prince beftowed; nor did he ever afk: he is only guilty of not refufing, Cæfar's rank places him above the reach of invidious malignity. Seneca is not, nor can be, high enough to defpife the envious. As the overloaded foldier, or traveller, would be glad to be relieved of his burden, fo I, in this laft ftage of the journey of life, now that I find myself unequal to the lighteft cares, beg, that Cæfar *The fafti, or calendars, or, if you pleafe, almanacks, of the ancients, had, as our almanacks, tables of kings, confuls, &c, Corn. Tacit. 21. Speech of CHARIDEMUS, an_A、 THENIAN Exile at the Court of DaRIUS, on being asked his Opinion of the warlike Preparations making by that Frince against ALEXANDER. truth from the mouth of a Grecian, and an Perhaps your Majefty may not bear the exile: and if I do not declare it now, I never will, perhaps I may never have another opportunity.-Your Majesty's numerous army, drawn from various na tions, and which unpeoples the eaft, may feem formidable to the neighbouring countries. The gold, the purple, and the fplendour of arms, which frike the eyes of beholders, make a fhow which furpafles the imagination of all who have not feen it, The Macedonian army, with which your Majefty's forces are going to contend, is, pect, and clad in iron. The irrefifible on the contrary, grim, and horrid of afphalanx is a body of men who, in the field of battle, fear no onfet, being prac tifed to hold together, man to man, fhield brazen wall might as foon be broke to fhield, and fpear to fpear; fo that a through. In advancing, in wheeling to right or left, in attacking, in every exercife of arms, they act as one man. They anfwer the flighteft fign from the commander, as if his foul animated the whole army. Every foldier has a knowledge of war fufficient for a general. And this difcipline, by which the Macedonian army is become fo formidable, was first establifhed, and has been all along kept up, by a fixed contempt of what your Majefty's troops are fo vain of, I mean gold and filver. The bare earth ferves them for beds, Whatever will fatisfy nature, is their luxury. Their repofe is always fhorter than the night. Your Majefty may, therefore, julge, whether the Theffalian, Acarnanian and Etolian cavalry, and the Macedonian phalanx-in army that has, in fpite of all oppofition, overrun half the world-are to be repelled by a multitude (however numerous) armed with flings, and stakes hardened at the points by fire. To be upon equal terms with Alexander, your Majesty ought to have an army compofed of the fame fort of troops and they are no where to be had, but in the fame countries which produced thote conquerors of the world.-It is therefore my opinion, that, if your Majetty were to apply the gold and filver, which now fo fuperfluously adorns your men, to the purpose of hiring an army from Greece, to contend with Greeks, you might have fome chance for fuccefs; otherwife I fee no reason to expect any thing elie, than that your army should be defeated, as all the others have been who have encountered the irrefiftible Macedo nians. 2. Curtius. § 22. The Character of JULIUS CESAR. Cæfar was endowed with every great and noble quality, that could exalt human nature, and give a man the afcendant in fociety; formed to excel in peace, as well as war; provident in council; feariefs in action; and executing what he had refolved with an amazing celerity: generous beyond measure to his friends; placable to his enemies; and for parts, learning, eloquence, scarce inferior to any man. His orations were admired for two qualities, which are feldom found together, ftrength and elegance; Cicero ranks him among the greatest orators that Rome ever bred; and Quintilian fays, that he fpoke with the fame force with which he fought; and if he had devoted himself to the bar, would have been the only man capable of rivalling Cicero. Nor was he a mafter only of the politer arts; but converfant alfo with the most abftrufe and critical parts of learning; and, among other works which he published, addreffed two books to Cicero, on the analogy of language, or the art of fpeaking and writing correctly. He was a moft liberal patron of wit and learning, wherefoever they were found; and out of his love of thofe talents, would readily pardon thofe who had employed them against himfelf; rightly judging, that by making fuch men his friends, he fhould draw praises from the fame fountain from which he had been afperfed. His capital paffions were ambition, and love of pleasure; which he indulged in their turns to the greateft excels; yet the first was always predominant; to which he could eafily facrifice all the charms of the fecond, and draw pleasure even from toils and dangers, when they miniftered to his glory. For he thought Tyranny, as Cicero fays, the greatest of goddeffes; and had frequently in his mouth a verfe of Euripides, which expreffed the image of his foul, that if right and justice were ever to be violated, they were to be violated for the fake of reigning. This was the chief end and purpose of his life; the fcheme that he had formed from his early youth; fo that, as Cato truly declared of him, he came with fobriety and meditation to the fubverfion of the republic. He ufed to fay, that there were two things neceffary, to acquire and to fupport power-foldiers and money; which yet depended mutually upon each other; with money therefore he provided foldiers, and with foldiers extorted money; and was, of all men, the most rapacious in plundering both friends and foes; fparing neither prince, nor ftate, nor temple, nor even private perfons, who were known to poffefs any thare of treafure. His great abilities would neceffarily have made him one of the first citizens of Rome; but, difdaining the condition of a fubject, he could never reft, till he made himself a monarch. In acting this last part, his ufual prudence feemed to fail him; as if the height to which he was mounted had turned his head, and made him giddy: for, by a vain oftentation of his power, he destroyed the ftability of it: and as men fhorten life by living too fast, fo by an intemperance of reigning, he brought his reign to a vioMiddleton. lent end. praife is lafting, but what is rational; and that you do what you can to leffen his glory, instead of adding to it. Heroes have never, among us, been deified till after their death; and, whatever may be your way of thinking, Cleon, for my part, I wish the king may not, for many years to come, obtain that honour. You have mentioned, as precedents of what you propose, Hercules and Bacchus. Do you imagine, Cleon, that they were deified over a cup of wine? and are you and I qualified to make gods? Is the king, our fovereign, to receive his divinity from you and me, who are his fubjects? First try your power, whether you can make a king. It is, furely, eafier to make a king than a god; to give an earthly do. minion, than a throne in heaven. I only with that the gods may have heard, without offence, the arrogant propofal you have made of adding one to their number; and that they may fill be fo propitious to us, as to grant the continuance of that fuccefs to our affairs with which they have hitherto favoured us. For my part, I am not ashamed of my country; nor do I approve of our adopting the rites of foreign nations, or learning from them how we ought to reverence our kings. To receive laws or rules of conduct from them, what is it but to confefs ourselves inferior to them? 2. Curtius. 24. The Character of CATO. If we confider the character of Cato without prejudice, he was certainly a great and worthy man; a friend to truth, virtue, liberty; yet, falfely meafuring all duty by the abfurd rigour of the floical rule, he was generally difappointed of the end which he fought by it, the happiness both of his private and public life. In his priyate conduct he was fevere, morofe, inexorable; banishing all the fofter affections, as natural enemies to juftice, and as fuggefting falfe motives of acting, from fayour, clemency, and compaffion: in public affairs he was the fame; had but one rule of policy, to adhere to what was right, without regard to time or circumstances, or even to a force that could controul him; for, instead of managing the power of the great, fo as to mitigate the ill, or extract any good from it, he was urging it always to acts of violence by a perpetual defiance; fo that, with the belt intentions in the world, he often did great harm to the re public. This was his general behaviour; yet from fome particular facts, it appears that his ftrength of mind was not always impregnable, but had its weak places of pride, ambition, and party zeal: which, when managed and flattered to a certain point, would betray him fometimes into measures contrary to his ordinary rule of right and truth. The laft act of his life was agreeable to his nature and philofophy: when he could no longer be what he had been; or when the ills of life overbalanced the good, which, by the principles of his fect, was a juft caufe for dying; he put an end to his life with a spirit and refolution which would make one imagine, that he was glad to have found an occafion of dying in his proper character. On the whole, his life was rather admirable than amiable; fit to be praised, rather than imitated. Middleton. $25. BRUTUS's Speech in Vindication of CESAR's Murder. Romans, countrymen, and lovers!Hear me, for my cause; and be filent, that you may hear. Believe me, for mine honour; and have refpect to mine honour, that you may believe. Cenfure me, in your wisdom; and awake your fenfes, that you may the better judge. If there be any in this affembly, any dear friend of Cæfar's, to him I fay, that Brutus's love to Cæfar was no less than his. If, then, that friend demand why Brutus rofe against Cæfar? this is my answerNot that I loved Cæfar lefs, but that I loved Rome more. Had you rather Cæfar were, and die all flaves; than that Cæfar were dead, to live all freemen? As Cæfar loved me, I weep for him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was valiant, I honour him; but, as he was ambitious, I flew him. There are tears for his love, joy for his fortune, honour for his valour, and death for his ambition. Who's here fo bafe, that would be a bond-man ?-If any, fpeak; for him have I offended. Who's here fo rude, that would not be a Roman?-If any, fpeak; for him have I offended. Who's here fo vile, that will not love his country? If any, fpeak; for him have I offended.-I pause for a reply. None-Then none have I offended. I have done no more to Cæfar, than you fould do to Brutus. The quellion of his death is inrolled in the capitol; his glory |