Finally, he was able to say that he had been with the Prince President since 8 o'clock that morning discussing the possible improvement of French science and industry, and that Napoleon had finally given him the money requesting him to do all in his power to aid the State. Foucault ended by saying that on realizing the greatness of the task thus imposed upon him, his fears and feelings had got the better of him, for the responsibility seemed more than he could bear."

The movement in England to which I have referred began in 1872, when a society for the organization of academical study was formed in connection with the inquiry into the revenues of Oxford and Cambridge, and there was a famous meeting at the Freemasons' Tavern, Mark Pattison being in the chair. Brodie, Rolleston, Carpenter, Burdon-Sanderson, were among the speakers, and the first resolution carried was, "That to have a class of men whose lives are devoted to research is a national object." The movement died in consequence of the want of sympathy of the university authorities.8

In the year 1874 the subject was inquired into by the late Duke of Devonshire's Commission, and after taking much remarkable evidence, including that of Lord Salisbury, the Commission recommended to the Government that the then grant of 1000l. which was expended, by a committee appointed by the Royal Society, on instruments needed in researches carried on by private individuals should be increased, so that personal grants should be made. This recommendation was accepted and acted on; the grant was increased to 40007., and finally other societies were

In order to show how history is written, what actually happened on a fateful morning may be compared with the account given by Kinglake:-"Prince Louis rode home and went in out of sight. Then for the most part he remained close shut up in the Elysee. There, in an inner room, still decked in red trousers, but

associated with the Royal Society in its administration. The Committee, however, was timorous, possibly owing to the apathy of the universities and the general carelessness on such matters, and only one personal grant was made; the whole conception fell through.

Meantime, however, opinion has become more educated and alive to the extreme importance of research to the nation, and in 1891 a suggestion was made to the Royal Commission which administers the proceeds of the 1851 Exhibition that a sum of about 60001. a year available for scholarships should be employed in encouraging post-graduate research throughout the whole Empire. As what happened is told in the Memoirs of Lord Playfair, it is not indiscreet in me to state that when I proposed this new form of the endowment of research, it would not have surprised me if the suggestion had been declined. It was carried through by Lord Playfair's enthusiastic support. This system has been at work ever since, and the good that has been done by it is now generally conceded.

It is a supreme satisfaction to me to know that in this present year of grace the national importance of the study of the même inutile is more generally recognized than it was during the times to which I have referred in my brief survey, and, indeed, we students are fortunate in having on our side in this matter two members of His Majesty's Government, who two years ago spoke with no uncertain sound upon this

matter.

"Do we lack the imagination required to show what these apparently remote and abstract studies do for the happiness of mankind? We can appreciate

with his back to the daylight, they say he sat bent over a fireplace for hours and hours together, resting his elbows on his knees, and burying his face in his hands" ("Crimean War," 1. p. 245).

8 See "Nature," November and December, 1872.

that which obviously and directly ministers to human advancement and felicity, but seem, somehow or another to be deficient in that higher form of imagination, in that longer sight, which sees in studies which have no obvious, necessary, or immediate result the foundation of the knowledge which shall give far greater happiness to mankind than any immediate, material, industrial advancement can possibly do; and I fear, and greatly fear, that, lacking that imagination, we have allowed ourselves to lag in the glorious race run now by civilized countries in pursuit of knowledge, and we have permitted ourselves so far to too large an extent to depend upon others for those additions to our knowledge which surely we might have made for ourselves."-Mr. Balfour, Nature, May 30, 1901.

"I would remind you that all history shows that progress-national progress of every kind-depends upon certain individuals rather than upon the mass. Whether you take religion, or literature, or political government, or art, or commerce, the new ideas, the great steps, have been made by individuals of superior quality and genius who have, as it were, dragged the mass of the nation up one step to a higher level.

So it must be in regard to material progress. The position of the nation to-day is due to the efforts of men like Watt and Arkwright, or, in our own time, to the Armstrongs, the Whitworths, the Kelvins, and the Siemenses. These are the men who, by their discoveries, by their remarkable genius, have produced the ideas upon which others have acted and which have permeated the whole mass of the nation and affected the whole of its proceedings. Therefore what we have to do, and this is our special task and object, is to produce more of these great men.”—

Mr. Chamberlain, Times, January 18, 1901.

I finally come to the political importance of research. A country's research is as important in the long run as its battleships. The most eloquent teaching as to its national value we owe to Mr. Carnegie, for he has given the sum of 2,000,000l. to found a system of endowments, his chief purpose being, in his own words, "to secure if possible for the United States of America leadership in the domain of discovery and the utilization of new forces for the benefit of man."

Here is a distinct challege to Britain. Judging by experience in this country, in spite of the magnificent endowment of research by Mond and Lord Iveagh, the only sources of possible competition in the British interest is the State, which certainly could not put the 1-8000 part of the accumulated wealth of the country to better use, for without such help both our universities and our battleships will become of rapidly dwindling importance.

It is on this ground that I have included the importance of endowing research among the chief points to which I have been anxious to draw your attention.

In referring to the new struggle for existence among civilized communities, I pointed out that the solution of a large number of scientific problems is now daily required for the State service, and that in this and other ways the source and standard of national efficiency have been greatly changed.

Much evidence bearing upon the amount of scientific knowledge required for the proper administration of the public departments and the amount of scientific work done by and for the nation was brought before the Royal Commission on Science presided over by the late Duke of Devonshire now more than a quarter of a century ago.

The Commission unanimously, recommended that the State should be aided by a scientific council in facing the new problems constantly arising.

But while the home Government has apparently made up its mind to neglect the advice so seriously given, it should be a source of gratification to us all to know that the application of the resources of modern science to the economic, industrial and agricultural development of India has for many years engaged the earnest attention of the Government of that country. The Famine Commissioners of 1878 laid much stress on the institution of scientific inquiry and experiment designed to lead to the gradual increase of the food-supply and to the greater stability of agricultural outturn, while the experience of recent years has indicated the increasing importance of the study of the economic products and mineralbearing tracts.

Lord Curzon has recently ordered the heads of the various scientific departments to form a board, which shall meet twice annually, to begin with, to formulate a program and to review past work. The board is also to act as an advisory committee to the Government, providing among other matters for the proper coordination of all matters of scientific inquiry affecting India's welfare.

Lord Curzon is to be warmly congratulated upon the step he has taken, which is certain to bring benefit to our great dependency.

The importance of such a board is many times greater at home, with so many external as well as internal interests to look after, problems common to peace and war, problems requiring the help of the economic as well as of the physical sciences.

It may be asked, what is done in Germany, where science is fostered and utilized far more than here?

"Nature," Septembe. 4, 1902.

The answer is, there is such a council. I fancy very much like what our Privy Council once was. It consists of representatives of the Ministry, the universities, the industries, and agriculture. It is small, consisting of about a dozen members, consultative, and it reports direct to the Emperor. It does for industrial war what military and so-called defence councils do for national armaments: it considers everything relating to the use of brainpower in peace, from alterations in school regulations and the organization of the universities, to railway rates and fiscal schemes, including the adjustment of duties. I am informed that what this council advises generally becomes law.

It should be pretty obvious that a nation so provided must have enormous chances in its favor. It is a question of drilled battalions against an undisciplined army, of the use of the scientific spirit as opposed to the hope of "muddling through.”

Mr. Haldane has recently reminded us that "the weapons which science places in the hands of those who engage in great rivalries of commerce leave those who are without them, however brave, as badly off as were the dervishes of Omdurman against the Maxims of Lord Kitchener."

Without such a machinery as this, how can our Ministers and our rulers be kept completely informed on a thousand things of vital importance? Why should our position and requirements as an industrial and thinking nation receive less attention from the authorities than the headdress of the Guards? How, in the words of Lord Curzon,10 can "the life and vigor of a nation be summed up before the world in the person of its sovereign" if the national organization is so defective that it has no means of keeping the head of the State informed on things 10 Times," September 30, 1902.

touching the most vital and lasting interests of the country? We seem to be still in the Palæolithic age in such matters, the chief difference being that the sword has replaced the flint implement.

Some may say that it is contrary to our habit to expect the Government to interest itself too much or to spend money on matters relating to peace; that war dangers are the only ones to be met or to be studied.

But this view leaves science and the progress of science out of the question. Every scientific advance is now, and will in the future be more and more, applied to war. It is no longer a question of an armed force with scientific corps, it is a question of an armed force scientific from top to bottom. Thank God the Navy has already found this out. Science will ultimately rule all the operations both of peace and war, and therefore the industrial and the fighting population must both have a large common ground of education. Already it is not looking too far ahead to see that in a perfect State there will be a double use of each citizen, a peace use and a war use, and the more science advances the more the old difference between the peaceful citizen and the man at arms will disappear; the barrack, if it still exists, and the workshop will be assimilated, the land unit, like the battleship, will become a school of applied science, self-contained, in which the officers will be the efficient teachers.

I do not think it is yet recognized how much the problem of national defence has thus become associated with that with which we are now chiefly concerned.

These, then, are some of the reasons which compel me to point out that a scientific council, which might be a scientific committee of the Privy Council, in dealing primarily with the national needs in times of peace, would be a source of strength to the nation.

Nature.

To sum up, then. My earnest appeal to you is to gird up your loins and to see to it that the science of the British Empire shall no longer remain unorganized. I have endeavored to point out to you how the nation at present suffers from the absence of a powerful, continuous, reasoned expression of scientific opinion, urging in season and out of season that we shall be armed as other nations are with efficient universities and facilities for research to uphold the flag of Britain in the domain of learning and discovery, and what they alone can bring.

I have also endeavored to show how, when this is done, the nation will still be less strong than it need be if there be not added to our many existing councils another, to secure that, even during peace, the benefits which a proper coordination of scientific effort in the nation's interest can bring shall not be neglected as they are at present.

Lest some of you may think that scientific organization which I trust you will determine to found would risk success in working on such large lines, let me remind you that in 1859, when the late Prince Consort occupied this chair, he referred to "impediments" to scientific progress, and said, "they are often such as can only be successfully dealt with by the powerful arm of the State or the long purse of the nation."

If the Prince Consort had lived to continue his advocacy of science, our position to-day would have been very different. His early death was as bad for Britain as the loss of a great campaign. If we cannot regain what we have lost, matters cannot mend.

I have done what I feel to be my duty in bringing the present condition of things before you. It is now your duty, if you agree with me, to see that it be put right. You can if you

will.

In the days of my early acquaintance with Henley, some fourteen or fifteen years ago, I could never look at him without wondering why none of his artist frends had taken him for a model of Pan. They say he was like Johnson, and like Heine; and he had something of both. But to me he was the startling image of Pan come on earth and clothed-the great god Pan, down in the reeds by the river, with balting foot and flaming shaggy hair, and arms and shoulders huge and threatening, like those of some Faun or Satyr of the ancient woods, and the brow and eyes of the Olympians. Wellnigh captive to his chair, with the crutch never far from his elbow, dragging himself when he moved, with slow effort, he yet seemed instinct with the life of the germinating elemental earth, when gods and men were vital with the force that throbbed in beast and flower and wandering breeze. The large heart, and the large frame, the broad tolerant smile, the inexhaustible interest in nature and mankind, the brave, unquenchable cheerfulness under afflictions and adversities, the frank appreciation and apology for the animal side of things, all helped to maintain the impression of a kind of Pagan strength and simplicity. One thinks of some verses of his own:

Yet beautiful and spacious

The wise old world appears,
Yet frank and fair and gracious
Outlaugh the jocund years.
Our arguments disputing,
The universal Pan,
Still wanders fluting-fluting-
Fluting to maid and man.
Our weary well-a-waying

His music cannot still:
Come! let us go a-maying,

And pipe with him our fill.

Chained, as he was for the most of his days, to a few rooms, he rioted in the open air, in the sunshine, the wind, and the stars. Stevenson writes how he took him out from the Edinburgh infirmary for a drive in the springtime:

The whole country is mad with green. To see the cherry-blossom bitten out upon the black firs, and the black firs bitten out upon the blue sky, was a sight to set before a king. may imagine what it was to a man who has been eighteen months in a hospital ward. The look of his face was a wine to me.

You

'It was a wine to any man to see Henley in the country, or to hear him talk of country things: a wine that he poured into many hearts from the generous beaker of his own.

This antithesis between the man as he was and the man as he might have been made the life of Henley pathetic and beautiful. To have known him was, in some sense, a liberal education. It was exhilarating to sit beside the fettered giant and watch him shake himself free from the shackles, and soar into the large empyrean of adventure and achievement. Pinioned "in the fell clutch of circumstances" he fronted his Fate with a noble fortitude:

And ever with a frolic welcome took The thunder and the sunshine.

There was in him something more than the patient resignation of the religious sufferer, who had bowed himself to the uses of adversity. Deep in his nature lay an inner well of cheerfulness, a spontaneous joy of living, that nothing could drain dry, though it dwindled sadly after the crowning