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ON THE IMPRESS OF SEAMEN.

sisted. It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of war, and the inducements to it, should be diminished. If rapine be abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken away; and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting.

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common sense? If the maxim had been, that private mischiefs, which prevent a national calamity, ought to be generously compensated by the nation, one might understand it but that such private mischiefs are only to be borne with patience, is absurd.

Ib. "The expedient," &c. "And," &c. (paragraphs 2 and 3.)-Twenty ineffectual or inconvenient schemes will not justify one that is unjust.

Ib. "Upon the foot of," &c.-Your reasoning, indeed, like a lie, stands but upon one foot; truth upon two. Page 160." Full wages."-Probably the same they had in the merchant's service.

The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas -a remnant of the ancient piracy-though it may be accidentally beneficial to particular persons, is far from being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorises it. In the beginning of a war some rich ships are surprised and taken. This encourages the first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels; and many others to do the same. But the enemy at the same time be- Page 174. "I hardly admit," &c. (paragraph 5.) come more careful, arm their merchant ships better,When this author speaks of impressing, page 158, and render them not so easy to be taken: they go also he diminishes the horror of the practice as much as more under the protection of convoys. Thus, while the possible, by presenting to the mind one sailor only sufprivateers to take them are multiplied, the vessels sub-fering a "hardship" (as he tenderly calls it) in some jected to be taken, and the chances of profit, are dimi-" particular cases" only; and he places against this nished; so that many cruises are made wherein the private mischief the inconvenience to the trade of the expenses overgo the gains; and, as is the case in other kingdom. But if, as he supposes is often the case, the lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass sailor who is pressed and obliged to serve for the deof adventurers are losers; the whole expense of fitting fence of trade, at the rate of twenty-five shillings aout all the privateers during a war being much greater month, could get three pounds fifteen shillings in the than the whole amount of goods taken. merchant's service, you take from him fifty shillings Then there is the national loss of all the labour of soa-month; and if you have 100,000 in your service, many men, during the time they have been employed in you rob this honest industrious part of society and their robbing-who, besides, spend what they get in riot, poor families of £250,000 per month, or three millions drunkenness, and debauchery-lose their habits of in-a-year, and at the same time oblige them to hazard dustry-are rarely fit for any sober business after a peace and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and housebreakers. Even the adventurers who have been fortunate, are by sudden wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues when the means of supporting it cease, and finally ruins them: a just punishment for their having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many honest, innocent traders, and their families, whose substance was employed in serving the common interest of mankind.

ON THE IMPRESS OF SEAMEN. Notes copied from Dr Franklin's writing in pencil in the mar. gin of Judge Foster's celebrated argument in favour of the impressing of seamen (published in the folio editions of his works). JUDGE FOSTER, p. 158. "Every man."-The conclusion here from the whole to a part, does not seem to be good logic. If the alphabet should say, Let us all fight for the defence of the whole, that is equal, and may therefore be just. But if it should say, Let A, B, C, and D, go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and sleep in whole skins, that is not equal, and therefore cannot be just.

Ib. "Employ."-If you please, the word signifies engaging a man to work for me, by offering him such wages as are sufficient to induce him to prefer my service. This is very different from compelling him to work on such terms as I think proper.

Ib. "This service and employment," &c. - These are false facts. His employment and service are not the same. Under the merchant he goes in an unarmed vessel, not obliged to fight, but to transport merchandise. In the king's service he is obliged to fight, and to hazard all the dangers of battle. Sickness on board of kings' ships is also more common and more mortal. The merchant's service, too, he can quit at the end of the voyage-not the king's. Also, the merchant's wages are much higher.

Ib. "I am very sensible," &c.-Here are two things put in comparison that are not comparable, viz.-injury to seamen, and inconvenience to trade. Inconvenience to the whole trade of a nation will not justify injustice to a single seaman. If the trade would suffer without his service, it is able, and ought to be willing, to offer him such wages as may induce him to afford his service voluntarily.

Page 159. "Private mischief must be borne with patience, for preventing a national calamity." Where is this maxim in law and good policy to be found? And how can that be a maxim which is not consistent with

their lives in fighting for the defence of your trade; to the defence of which all ought indeed to contribute (and sailors among the rest) in proportion to their profits by it; but this three millions is more than their share, if they did not pay with their persons; and when you force that, methinks you should excuse the other.

But, it may be said, to give the king's seamen merchant's wages, would cost the nation too much, and call for more taxes. The question then will amount to this -Whether it be just in a community, that the richer part should compel the poorer to fight in defence of them and their properties, for such wages as they think fit to allow, and punish them if they refuse? Our author tells us that it is "legal." I have not law enough to dispute his authorities, but I cannot persuade myself that it is equitable. I will, however, own for the present, that it may be lawful when necessary; but then I contend that it may be used so as to produce the same good effects-the public security-without doing so much intolerable injustice as attends the impressing common seamen. In order to be better understood, would premise too things:-First, That voluntary seamen may be had for the service, if they were sufficiently paid. The proof is, that to serve in the same ship, and incur the same danger, you have no occasion to impress captains, lieutenants, second lieutenants, midshipmen, pursers, nor many other officers. Why, but that the profits of their places, or the emoluments expected, are sufficient inducements? The business then is, to find money, by impressing, sufficient to make the sailors all volunteers, as well as their officers; and this without any fresh burden upon trade. The second of my premises is, that twenty-five shillings a-month, with his share of the salt beef, pork, and peas-pudding, being found sufficient for the subsistence of a hardworking seaman, it will certainly be so for a sedentary scholar or gentleman. I would then propose to form a treasury, out of which encouragements to seamen should be paid. To fill this treasury, I would impress a number of civil officers, who at present have great salaries, oblige them to serve in their respective offices for twenty-five shillings a-month, with their shares of mess provisions, and throw the rest of their salaries into the seamen's treasury. If such a press-warrant were given me to execute, the first I would press should be a recorder of Bristol, or a Mr Justice Foster, because I might have need of his edifying example to show how much impressing ought to be borne with; for he would certainly find, that though to be reduced to twenty-five shillings a-month might be a private mischief," yet that, agreeably to his maxim of law and good policy, it ought to be borne with patience," for

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LETTER ON THE CRIMINAL LAWS, AND PRIVATEERING.

tity, of not only injured, but suffering innocence, in almost all the civilised states of Europe!

preventing a national calamity. Then I would press | innocence? In this light, how vast is the annual quanthe rest of the judges; and, opening the red book, I would press every civil officer of government, from £50 a-year salary up to £50,000, which would throw an immense sum into our treasury: and these gentlemen could not complain, since they would receive twenty-five shillings a-month and their rations; and this without being obliged to fight. Lastly, I think I would impress

ON THE CRIMINAL LAWS, AND THE
PRACTICE OF PRIVATEERING.

LETTER TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN, ESQ.

March 14, 1785.

But it seems to have been thought, that this kind of innocence may be punished by way of preventing crimes. I have read, indeed, of a cruel Turk in Barbary, who, whenever he bought a new Christian slave, ordered him immediately to be hung up by the legs, and to receive a hundred blows of a cudgel on the soles of his feet, that the severe sense of the punishment, and fear of incurring it thereafter, might prevent the faults that should merit it. Our author himself would hardly approve entirely of this Turk's conduct in the government of slaves; and yet he appears to recommend something like it for the government of English subjects, when he applauds the reply of Judge Burnet to the convict horse-stealer; who, being asked what he MY DEAR FRIEND,-Among the pamphlets you lately had to say why judgment of death should not pass sent me, was one entitled Thoughts on Executive against him, and answering, that it was hard to hang a Justice. In return for that, send you a French one man for only stealing a horse, was told by the judgeon the same subject-Observations concernant l'Exe-"Man, thou art not to be hanged only for stealing a cution de l'Article II. de la Declaration sur le Vol. horse, but that horses may not be stolen." The man's They are both addressed to the judges, but written, as answer, if candidly examined, will, I imagine, appear you will see, in a very different spirit. The English reasonable, as being founded on the eternal principle author is for hanging all thieves-the Frenchman is of justice and equity, that punishments should be profor proportioning punishments to offences. portioned to offences; and the judge's reply brutal and unreasonable, though the writer" wishes all judges to carry it with them whenever they go the circuit, and to bear it in their minds, as containing a wise reason for all the penal statutes which they are called upon to put in execution. It at once illustrates," says he, "the true grounds and reasons of all capital punishments whatsoever, namely, that every man's property, as well as his life, may be held sacred and inviolate." Is there then no difference in value between property and life? If I think it right that the crime of murder should be punished with death, not only as an equal punishment of the crime, but to prevent other murders, does it follow that I must approve of inflicting the same punishment for a little invasion on my property by theft? If I am not myself so barbarous, so bloodyminded, and revengeful, as to kill a fellow-creature for stealing from me fourteen shillings and threepence, how can I approve of a law that does it? Montesquieu, who was himself a judge, endeavours to impress other maxims. He must have known what human judges feel on such occasions, and what the effects of those feelings; and, so far from thinking that severe and excessive punishments prevent crimes, he asserts, as quoted by our French writer, that

If we really believe, as we profess to believe, that the law of Moses was the law of God-the dictate of Divine wisdom, infinitely superior to human-on what principles do we ordain death as the punishment of an offence, which, according to that law, was only to be punished by a restitution of fourfold? To put a man to death for an offence which does not deserve death, is it not a murder?-and, as the French writer says, "Doit-on punir un delit contre la société par un crime contre la nature?"

Superfluous property is the creature of society. Simple and mild laws were sufficient to guard the property that was merely necessary. The savage's bow, his hatchet, and his coat of skins, were sufficiently secured, without law, by the fear of personal resentment and retaliation. When, by virtue of the first laws, part of the society accumulated wealth and grew powerful, they enacted others more severe, and would protect their property at the expense of humanity. This was abusing their power, and commencing a tyranny. If a savage, before he entered into society, had been told "Your neighbour, by this means, may become owner of a hundred deer; but if your brother, or your son, or yourself, having no deer of your own, and being hungry, should kill one, an infamous death must be the consequence," he would probably have preferred his liberty, and his common right of killing any deer, to all the advantages of society that might be proposed to him.

"L'atrocité des loix en empeche l'execution.

Lorsque la peine est sans mesure, on est souvent obligé de lui préférer l'impunité.

La cause de tous les relachemens vient de l'impunité des crimes, et non de la modération des peines."

That it is better a hundred guilty persons should It is said by those who know Europe generally, that escape than that one innocent person should suffer, is there are more thefts committed and punished annually a maxim that has been long and generally approved-in England, than in all the other nations put together. never, that I know of, controverted. Even the san- If this be so, there must be a cause or causes for such guinary author of the Thoughts agrees to it, adding depravity in our common people. May not one be the well," that the very thought of injured innocence, and deficiency of justice and morality in our national gomuch more that of suffering innocence, must awaken vernment, manifested in our oppressive conduct to suball our tenderest and most compassionate feelings, and, jects, and unjust wars on our neighbours? View the at the same time, raise our highest indignation against long-persisted in, unjust, monopolising treatment of the instruments of it. But," he adds, "there is no Ireland, at length acknowledged! View the plundering danger of either, from a strict adherence to the laws." government exercised by our merchants in the Indies; Really!-Is it then impossible to make an unjust law? the confiscating war made upon the American colonies; and if the law itself be unjust, may it not be the very and, to say nothing of those upon France and Spain, "instrument which ought to raise the author's and view the late war upon Holland, which was seen by every body's highest indignation?" I see in the last impartial Europe in no other light than that of a war newspapers from London, that a woman is capitally of rapine and pillage-the hopes of an immense and easy convicted at the Old Bailey, for privately stealing out prey being its only apparent, and probably its true and of a shop some gauze, value fourteen shillings and real, motive and encouragement! Justice is as strictly threepence. Is there any proportion between the in- due between neighbour nations, as between neighbour jury done by a theft, value fourteen shillings and three-citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when pence, and the punishment of a human creature, by death, on a gibbet? Might not that woman, by her labour, have made the reparation ordained by God in paying fourfold? Is not all punishment inflicted beyond the merit of the offence, so much punishment of

he plunders in a gang, as when single; and a nation that makes an unjust war is only a great gang. After employing your people in robbing the Dutch, it is strange, that being put out of that employ by peace, they still continue robbing, and rob one another: pira.

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REMARKS CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA.

terie, as the French call it, or privateering, is the universal bent of the English nation, at home and abroad, wherever settled. No less than seven hundred privateers were, it is said, commissioned in the last war! These were fitted out by merchants, to prey upon other merchants, who had never done them any injury. Is there probably any one of those privateering merchants of London, who were so ready to rob the merchants of Amsterdam, that would not as readily plunder another London merchant, of the next street, if he could do it with the same impunity? The avidity, the alieni appetens, is the same; it is the fear alone of the gallows that makes the difference. How then can a nation, which among the honestest of its people, has so many thieves by inclination, and whose government encouraged and commissioned no less than seven hundred gangs of robbers-how can such a nation have the face to condemn the crime in individuals, and hang up twenty of them in a morning? It naturally puts one in mind of a Newgate anecdote. One of the prisoners complained, that in the night somebody had taken his buckles out of his shoes. "What the devil!" says another," have we then thieves amongst us? It must not be suffered. Let us search out the rogue, and pump him

to death!"

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chants, whether a war be just or unjust; and it can hardly be just on both sides. They are done by English and American merchants, who, nevertheless, complain of private theft, and hang by dozens the thieves they have taught by their own example.

It is high time, for the sake of humanity, that a stop were put to this enormity. The United States of America, though better situated than any European nation to make profit by privateering (most of the trade of Europe with the West Indies passing before their doors), are, as far as in them lies, endeavouring to abolish the practice, by offering, in all their treaties with other powers, an article, engaging solemnly, that in case of future war, no privateer shall be commissioned on either side; and that unarmed merchant ships, on both sides, shall pursue their voyages unmolested.* This will be a happy improvement of the law of nations. The humane and the just cannot but wish general success to the proposition. With unchangeable esteem and affection, I am, my dear friend, ever yours.

REMARKS CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF
NORTH AMERICA.

SAVAGES we call them, because their manners differ
from ours, which we think the perfection of civility;
they think the same of theirs.

ent nations with impartiality, we should find no people Perhaps, if we could examine the manners of differso rude as to be without any rules of politeness; nor any so polite as not to have some remains of rudeness.

There is, however, one late instance of an English merchant who will not profit by such ill-gotten gain. He was, it seems, part-owner of a ship, which the other owners thought fit to employ as a letter of marque, and which took a number of French prizes. The booty hbeing shared, he has now an agent here inquiring, by an advertisement in the Gazette, for those who have suffered the loss, in order to make them, as far as in him lies, restitution. This conscientious man is a riors, when old, counsellors; for all their government is The Indian men, when young, are hunters and warQuaker. The Scotch Presbyterians were formerly as by the counsel or advice of the sages: there is no force, tender; for there is still extant an ordinance of the there are no prisons, no officers to compel obedience, town-council of Edinburgh, made soon after the Refor- or inflict punishment. Hence they generally study mation, "forbidding the purchase of prize goods, under oratory-the best speaker having the most influence. pain of losing the freedom of the burgh for ever, with The Indian women till the ground, dress the food, other punishment at the will of the magistrates; the nurse and bring up the children, and preserve and practice of making prizes being contrary to good con-hand down to posterity the memory of public transacscience, and the rule of treating Christian brethren as tions. These employments of men and women are acwe would wish to be treated; and such goods are not counted natural and honourable. Having few artificial to be sold by any godly man within this burgh." The wants, they have abundance of leisure for improvement race of these godly men in Scotland is probably extinct, by conversation. Our laborious manner of life comor their principles abandoned, since, as far as that na-pared with theirs, they esteem slavish and base; and tion had a hand in promoting the war against the colonies, prizes and confiscations are believed to have been a considerable motive.

It has been for some time a generally received opinion, that a military man is not to inquire whether a war be just or unjust; he is to execute his orders. All princes who are disposed to become tyrants, must probably approve of this opinion, and be willing to establish it; but is it not a dangerous one-since, on that principle, if the tyrant commands his army to attack and destroy not only an unoffending neighbour nation, but even his own subjects, the army is bound to obey? A negro slave, in our colonies, being commanded by his master to rob or murder a neighbour, or do any other immoral act, may refuse; and the magistrate will protect him in his refusal. The slavery then of a soldier is worse than that of a negro! A conscientious officer, if not restrained by the apprehension of its being imputed to another cause, may indeed resign, rather than be employed in an unjust war; but the private men are slaves for life: and they are, perhaps, incapable of judging for themselves. We can only lament their fate, and still more that of a sailor, who is often dragged by force from his honest occupation, and compelled to imbrue his hands in perhaps innocent blood. But, methinks, it well behoves merchants (men more enlightened by their education, and perfectly free from any such force or obligation) to consider well of the justice of a war, before they voluntarily engage a gang of ruffians to attack their fellow-merchants of a neighbouring nation, to plunder them of their property, and perhaps ruin them and their families, if they yield it; or to wound, maim, and murder them, if they endeavour to defend it. Yet these things are done by Christian mer

the learning on which we value ourselves, they regard as frivolous and useless. An instance of this occurred between the government of Virginia and the Six Naat the treaty of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, in 1744, tions. After the principal business was settled, the commissioners from Virginia acquainted the Indians

*[This offer having been accepted by the late King of Prussia, a treaty of amity and commerce was concluded between that monarch and the United States, containing the following humane, philanthropic article; in the formation of which Dr Franklin, as one of the American plenipotentiaries, was principally concerned, viz.:

parties, the merchants of either country, then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects without molestation or hindrance; and all women and children, scholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, artizans, manufacturers, and fishermen, unarmed, and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, or places, and in general, all others whose occupations are for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective employments, and shall not be molested in their persons, nor shall their houses or goods be burnt, or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted, by the armed force of the enemy into whose power, by the

Art. XXIII. If war should arise between the two contracting

events of war, they may happen to fall; but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price. And all merof different places, and thereby rendering the necessaries, convechant and trading vessels employed in exchanging the products niences, and comforts of human life more easy to be obtained, and more general, shall be allowed to pass free and unmolested: and neither of the contracting powers shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessels, empowering them to take or destroy such trading vessels, or interrupt such commerce.]

72 REMARKS CONCERNING THE SAVAGES OF NORTH AMERICA.

which our religion is founded-such as the fall of our first parents by eating an apple-the coming of Christ to repair the mischief-his miracles and sufferings, &c. When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to thank him. "What you have told us," says he, "is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat apples; it is better to make them all into cider. We are much obliged by your kindness in coming so far to tell us those things which you have heard from your mothers. In return, I will tell you some of those which we have heard from ours.

In the beginning, our fathers had only the flesh of animals to subsist on; and if their hunting was unsuccessful, they were starving. Two of our young hunters having killed a deer, made a fire in the woods to broil some parts of it. When they were about to satisfy their hunger, they beheld a beautiful young woman descend from the clouds, and seat herself on that hill which you see yonder among the blue mountains. They said to each other, 'It is a spirit that perhaps has smelt our broiled venison, and wishes to eat of it; let us offer some to her.' They presented her with the tongue: she was pleased with the taste of it, and said

by a speech, that there was at Williamsburg a college, | acquainting them with the principal historical facts on with a fund for educating Indian youth; and if the chiefs of the Six Nations would send down half a dozen of their sons to that college, the government would take care that they should be well provided for, and instructed in all the learning of the white people. It is one of the Indian rules of politeness not to answer a public proposition the same day that it is made; they think it would be treating it as a light matter, and that they show it respect by taking time to consider it, as of a matter important. They therefore deferred their answer till the day following; when their speaker began by expressing their deep sense of the kindness of the Virginia government, in making them that offer: "For we know," says he, "that you highly esteem the kind of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of our young men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced, therefore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal; and we thank you heartily. But you who are wise, must know that different nations have different conceptions of things: and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some experience of it: several of our young people were formerly brought up at the colleges of the northern provinces; they were instructed in all your sciences; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners-ignorant of every means of living in the woods-unable to bear either cold or hunger-knew neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy-spoke our language imperfectly-were neither fit for hunters, warriors, nor counsellors: they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the less obliged by your kind offer, though we decline accepting it; and to show our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we know, and make men of them."

Having frequent occasion to hold public councils, they have acquired great order and decency in conducting them. The old men sit in the foremost ranks, the warriors in the next, and the women and children hindmost. The business of the women is to take exact notice of what passes, imprint it in their memories→→→ for they have no writings and communicate it to the children. They are the records of the council, and they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back; which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversation, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some confusion, that makes the Speaker hoarse in calling to order!—and how different from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where, if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never suffered to finish it!

The politeness of these savages in conversation is indeed carried to excess, since it does not permit them to contradict or deny the truth of what is asserted in their presence. By this means they indeed avoid disputes; but then it becomes difficult to know their minds, or what impression you make upon them. The missionaries who have attempted to convert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the great difficulties of their mission. The Indians hear with patience the truths of the Gospel explained to them, and give their usual tokens of assent and approbation. You would think they were convinced: no such matter-it is mere civility.

A Swedish minister having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehannah Indians, made a sermon to them,

Your kindness shall be rewarded. Come to this place after thirteen moons, and you shall find something that will be of great benefit in nourishing you and your children to the latest generations.' They did so; and, to their surprise, found plants they had never seen before, but which, from that ancient time, have been constantly cultivated among us, to our great advantage. Where her right hand had touched the ground they found maize-where her left hand had touched it they found kidney-beans-and on the spot where she had sat they found tobacco." The good missionary, disgusted with this idle tale, said "What I delivered to you were sacred truths, but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood." The Indian, offended, replied "My brother, it seems your friends have not done you justice in your educationthey have not well instructed you in the rules of common civility. You saw that we, who understand and practise those rules, believed all your stories; why do you refuse to believe ours?"

When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they desire to be private: this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. "We have," said they," as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our towns, we wish for opportunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your company."

Their manner of entering one another's villages has likewise its rules. It is reckoned uncivil in travelling strangers to enter a village abruptly, without giving notice of their approach; therefore, as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and halloo, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old men usually come out to them and lead them in. There is in every village a vacant dwelling, called the stranger's house: here they are placed, while the old men go round from hut to hut, acquainting the inhabitants that strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary-and every one sends them what he can spare of victuals, and skins to repose on. When the strangers are refreshed, pipes and tobacco are brought; and then, but not before, conversation begins, with inquiries who they are, whither bound, what news, &c.; and it usually ends with offers of service-if the strangers have occasion for guides, or any necessaries for continuing their journey; and nothing is exacted for the entertainment.

The same hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised by private persons; of which Conrad Weiser, our interpreter, gave me the following instance :-"He had been naturalised among the Six Nations, and spoke well the Mohuck language. In going through the Indian country, to carry a mes

COMPARISON OF THE ANCIENT JEWS AND THE FEDERALISTS.

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sage from our governor to the council at Onondaga, he called at the habitation of Canassetego, an old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled beans and venison, and mixed some rum and water for his drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his pipe, Canassetego began to converse with him-asked him how he had fared the many years since they had seen each other, whence he then came, what occasioned the journey, &c. Conrad answered all his questions; and when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, 'Conrad, you have lived long among the white people, and know something of their customs; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble all in the great house; tell me what it is for. What do they do there? They meet there,' says Conrad, to hear and learn good things. I do not doubt,' says the Indian, that they tell you so-they have told me the same; but I doubt the truth of what they say, and I will tell you my reasons. I went lately to Albany, to sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, &c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans Hanson; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, and asked him what he would give for beaver. He said he could not give more than four shillings apound; but, says he, I cannot talk on business now; this is the day when we meet together to learn good things, and I am going to the meeting. So I thought to myself, since I cannot do any business to-day, I may as well go to the meeting too; and I went with him. There stood up a man in black, and began to talk to the people very angrily. I did not understand what he said: but, perceiving that he looked much at me, and at Hanson, I imagined he was angry at seeing me there; so I went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I thought, too, that the man had mentioned something of beaver; and I suspected it might be the subject of their meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my merchant. Well, Hans,' says I, 'I hope you have agreed to give more than four shillings a-pound.' 'No,' says be, I cannot give so much; I cannot give more than three shillings and sixpence.' I then spoke to several other dealers, but they all sung the same song-three and sixpence, three and sixpence. This made it clear to me that my suspicion was right; and that, whatever they pretended of meeting to learn good things, the real purpose was to consult how to cheat Indians in the price of beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn good things, they would certainly have learned some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our practice. If a white man, in travelling through our country, enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I do you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay his thirst and hunger; and we spread soft furs for him to rest and sleep on-we demand nothing in return.* But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and ask for victuals and drink, they say, Where is your money? and if I have none, they say, Get out, you Indian dog. You see that they have not learned those little good things that we need no meetings to be instructed in, because our mothers taught them to us when we were children; and therefore it is impossible their meetings should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have any such effect-they are only to contrive the cheating of Indians in the price of beaver."

* It is remarkable that, in all ages and countries, hospitality

has been allowed as the virtue of those whom the civilised were pleased to call barbarians; the Greeks celebrated the Scythians

TO M. DUBOURG,

CONCERNING THE DISSENSIONS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND

AMERICA.

73.

London, October 2, 1770. I SEE, with pleasure, that we think pretty much alike on the subjects of English America. We of the colonies have never insisted that we ought to be exempt from contributing to the common expenses necessary to sup port the prosperity of the empire. We only assert, that having parliaments of our own, and not having representatives in that of Great Britain, our parliaments are the only judges of what we can and what we ought to contribute in this case; and that the English Parliament has no right to take our money without our consent. In fact, the British empire is not a single state; it comprehends many; and though the Parliament of Great Britain has arrogated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, it has no more right to do so than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same king, but not the same legislatures.

The dispute between the two countries has already lost England many millions sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been a proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities-objects of luxury and fashion, which we can well do without--and the resolution we have formed of importing no more till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of our infant manufactures to take root; and it will not be easy to make our people abandon them in future, even should a connection more cordial than ever succeed the present troubles. I have, indeed, no doubt, that the Parliament of England will finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of our rights and privileges. B. FRANKLIN.

A COMPARISON OF THE CONDUCT OF THE
ANCIENT JEWS,

AND OF THE ANTIFEDERALISTS IN THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA.

A ZEALOUS advocate for the proposed federal constitution, in a certain public assembly said, that "the repugnance of a great part of mankind to good government was such, that he believed that if an angel from heaven was to bring down a constitution formed there for our use, it would nevertheless meet with violent opposition." He was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment; and he did not justify it. Probably it might not have immediately occurred to him, that the experiment had been tried, and that the event was recorded in the most faithful of all histories, the Holy Bible; otherwise he might, as it seems to me, have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable authority.

The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single family, by continued acts of his attentive providence, until it became a great people: and having rescued them from bondage by many miracles performed by his servant Moses, he personally delivered to that chosen servant, in presence of the whole nation, a constitution and code of laws for their observance; accompanied and sanctioned with promises of great rewards, and threats of severe punishments, as the consequence of their obedience or disobedience.

This constitution, though the Deity himself was to be at its head (and it is therefore called by political writers a theocracy), could not be carried into execution but by means of his ministers: Aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to be, with Moses, the first established ministry of the new government.

One would have thought, that the appointment of for it; the Saracens possessed it eminently; and it is to this day men who had distinguished themselves in procuring the the reigning virtue of the wild Arabs. St Paul, too, in the rela-liberty of their nation, and had hazarded their lives in tion of his voyage and shipwreck, on the island of Melita, says, "The barbarous people showed us no little kindness; for they kindled a fire, and received us every one, because of the present rain, and because of the cold." This note is taken from a small collection of Franklin's papers, printed for Dilly.

would have retained that nation in slavery, might have openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch who been an appointment acceptable to a grateful people; and that a constitution framed for them by the Deity himself, might on that account have been secure of a

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