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1102 AND 1104 Sansom STEEET.


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When Great Britain was last in the position of requiring from other nations the observance of a strict neutrality, the unjust aspersion was cast upon your house of fitting out a vessel in the interest of her enemy. The searching investigation-demanded by you-which followed, led to your complete vindication, and an indignant declaration by the merchants of New York of their abhorrence of the crime against honest neutrality, which had been so falsely laid upon American merchants.

Now, when England is called upon to perform the duties of neutrality, you become, by the loss of your ship, the Jacob Bell, a principal sufferer from her flagrant disregard of international justice and honor.

These special circumstances alone, show an evident propriety in inscribing to you this reading of law and history upon the cases of those public marauders, the Alabama and Florida. But other considerations unite to prove the fitness of such a dedication: and among them may be enumerated that eminent enterprise which has made your name the synonym of honor in the four quarters of the globe; your unflinching and self-sacrificing patriotism in these days of trial; your public and intelligent advocacy of right principles and right practice toward other nations under the irritating and embarrassing circumstances of the time; and, above all, that universal judgment of the community in which you live, by which is conceded to you a union of public and private virtues fully entitling you to the high place you hold in men's esteem.

The public voice will cordially endorse the truth of these observations, and admit their force as a justification for joining your name to this effort to direct popular attention to those serious complications, now arising from the course of conduct towards this nation which Great Britain has chosen to adopt.

With great respect, I am

Your obedient servant,

GROSVENOR P. LOWREY. New YORK, March 14, 1863.


DURING the past twelve months, numerous and notorious acts, in breach of those obligations of neutrality which are due from a friendly nation to another engaged in war, have been perpetrated against us by the British government and people. The action of our government touching these grave matters, has been forbearing, although firm, and in all respects admirable, in contrast with the action and language of England herself in former times, under circumstances differing from the present only in the respect that, from the character of this war, our claim to the observance of strict neutrality is stronger than hers has, or could ever have been. The public journals of England announce that, far from any cessation of this evil industry, the arming and equipping of vessels to cruise against our commerce is going on with increased energy, and with such lack of disguise, that we are forced to consider the councils of that country as wanting in capacity or good faith. But little knowledge of international history is requisite to decide upon which horn of the dilemma to locate the probability.

Under such a state of facts, it is time that the people at large were led to consider, in the light of history and law, the exact character and limitation of their rights in such cases.

That code which, under the general name of the Law of Nations, is admitted to control the conduct of states toward each other, ought to be, and, as defined by the publicists, is founded upon the most elevated considerations of morals, justice, equity, and convenience. In this dignified system, under which nations act in view of all the world, it is the substance, rather than the form of things, which is regarded; and those small technicalities which, in municipal systems, often impede the course of justice, are rightly disregarded.

The relation of neutrality which arises under the law of nations is declared by Phillimore, the latest and best English writer

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