all the assaults of power and tyranny. It is also from a similar motive that the sons of farmers, or persons of moderate landed property, are desirous of registering themselves amongst the yeomanry, and form a body of cavalry, whose principal object is to keep the peasants and mechanics in subordination; and that the sons of more wealthy proprietors place themselves at the disposal of the sheriff, in order to serve as special constables whenever public tranquillity may have been disturbed by any sedition. Once clothed with this temporary office, they are seen to precipitate themselves, armed only with a simple staff, the distinguishing sign of their authority, into the midst of the most tumultuous assemblages, endeavouring to disperse them by exhortations; and if they cannot prevail, arresting the disturbers at the peril of their lives. And let it not be supposed that the offer which they make of their assistance may be illusory, and that in the moment of danger it may be easy to withdraw from the obligation which they have contracted. If at the call of the sheriff they should not instantly repair to the scene of disorder, they would not fail to be severely punished, on the restoration of tranquillity, as guilty of negligence in the execution of their functions; and they would inevitably be condemned to make a reparation according to their means and to their culpability.

All these cares, embarrassments, and dangers, are not felt by the English as oppressive burdens, but are regarded as the necessary consequences of their liberty, and are converted into a sort of occupation, an object both of interest and pleasure. Their rights and privileges become even more estimable in their sight from the fatigues attending them; as a child is often more endeared to its mother by the sufferings which its birth occasioned, and by the anxiety attendant on its tender age. Without the sort of agitation which results from these different causes; they would die in their vast mansions of plenty, happiness, and ennui.

But all the sacrifices which I have described, are as nothing when compared with those made by the principal county proprietors, whether to procure their own election as members of Parliament, or the election of their friends and dependents.

When I formerly heard in France of the immense sums which the English expended in order to be returned to Parliament, I、 found it difficult to imagine what was the equivalent advantage to be derived from their nomination, or what recompense it could procure them. Where, indeed, was to be found the compensation for one or two millions of livres? This formed a problem which I could not then explain; but at that time I was unacquainted with their manners.

Accustomed to pass their lives on their estates, the first want

which they experience is that of public consideration-not of that modest consideration founded solely on an esteem for private vir tues, but of that brilliant and envied renown which is the fruit of merit and of power. Consequently as the strongest evidence of this public consideration is to be chosen for a member of Parliament, there is nothing which an Englishman is not ready to sacrifice in order to attain it.

The being elected to serve in Parliament has, moreover, this particular attraction-that besides its being the most certain mark of the actual influence which the member exercises: in his district, it furnishes the means of acquiring a new influence, especially when he happens to be in the interest of the ministry. He then becomes the dispenser of all vacant employments in his own county. There may not, perhaps, be one that will not be granted to his recommendation-ecclesiastical benefices, offices with and without duties annexed to them, situations in the excise, favors of every description; nothing is refused to him, and the ministers reap the double advantage of thus drawing closer the bond which attaches him to their cause, and of assuring to themselves the continuance of his support in the next Parliament, because the numerous services which he has rendered in his county have already prepared his reelection.

There are several great families who, devoted in this manner to government from father to son, appear to have contracted a secret engagement with it, by virtue of which they hold themselves bound to employ every means in their power to procure the return to Parliament of a relation or friend, upon the condition that in exchange for the sacrifices they make, they shall have almost the absolute disposal of all the offices in their county. Thus, when Lord Lonsdale, for example, spends 30,000 pounds, or 40,000 pounds, in order to bring about the election of his son, or one of his dependents, to a seat in the House of Commons, it is not so much the honor of a representation that he purchases at so exorbitant a price, as it is the very government itself of Westmoreland. In the cities and counties where the side of opposition is em braced, a return to Parliament is not less eagerly sought after, inasmuch as it is a shining proof that the successful candidate is looked upon in his district as the chief of his party, or as the man most competent, by his talents and influence, to oppose, or, perhaps, defeat the designs of administration.

But as this much envied reputation is, like all other popular affections, extremely subject to variations in the eyes of the electors, it is only by a continual course of obligations that the candidates. can preserve it entire; and it is thus that the love of authority and supremacy, which amongst all other nations is the most frequent

cause of public misfortunes and individual grievance, becomes in England an inexhaustible source of good offices and protection.

In order to form easily a conception of the whole extent of the benefits which those who aim at influencing elections engage to distribute over their counties, it should be known that the right of voting is not confined in England, as in France, to a small number of citizens. It belongs to every one who possesses 40 shillings of revenue (in freehold,) (about 48 livres French); and in some chartered towns it is only necessary to be a corporate body to enjoy the elective franchise: so that it may be said, with the exception of the lowest classes, whose influence over elections is, nevertheless, often very considerable, as I shall hereafter show, that every citizen has a right to assist in the appointment of members of Parliament.

The first care of a candidate, then, is an endeavour to please this numerous mass of people; and the most certain means of securing its good will is to treat it with attention, to testify the esteem of which it is worthy, as well for the great number of individuals who compose it, as for the useful occupations which they follow, and for the portion of public power which is lodged in their hands. What member then would dare to receive, I will not say with hauteur, but even with an air of indifference, the elector whose vote he had solicited some years before, which he may have occasion for at a future time, and who might then repay his usurious interest? How shall he dare to refuse any assistance to the man who has been loudly proclaimed to be his follower? Will he suffer that man's wife or child to perish for want of succour? Will he rigorously exact from him the payment of money which may be due? Will he object to the renewal of his security?

There are in England a great number of estates, belonging to the first noblemen in the kingdom, which are let by them at not more than one half of their value, for the sole purpose of obtaining votes at Parliamentary elections. Can we believe that it would be easy to convert electors influenced by such motives, and to take away their votes from those to whom they have engaged them, in a country, too, where every vote is given publicly? What a variety of advantages must be spread over the country by this very mode of election, which, placing in certain points of view the rich in a state of temporary dependence on the poor, opens to the miseries of

• I have heard that in Westminster it is merely necessary to pay what is called, "scot and lot," in order to be an elector. This phrase signifies parish dues, of rates required from every individual who has the use of a chimney at which he can cook his dinner at Liverpool it is sufficient that the individual's name should not be inserted on the list of paupers to whom parochial relief is granted.

the latter, hearts which would, perhaps, otherwise have been closed, establishes to a given extent their natural equality, and compels the elder born of nature to cede a portion of that common inheritance which has exclusively devolved on them!

It is thus, also, that the heads of great manufactures, or extensive commercial undertakings, enjoy such high consideration in their respective counties. Respect is paid to them in reference to the number of votes of which they have the disposal. I say "disposal," because on this subject there is no kind of delicacy; and when a man in dependence upon another does not vote with his patron, he is sure to lose his place, or his employment. This conduct, which would appear in France to be excessively unjust, does not meet in England with the slightest reprehension. There you must entertain, or at least follow, the political opinions of him from whom your livelihood is derived. Another effect of this system, and which may be regarded as an additional advantage, is, that rich proprietors only can be returned as members of Parliament. By the letter of the law an estate of 600l. per annum (about 14,000 or 15,000 livres, French,) is made the necessary qualification of a county representative; and half that sum is required to make a candidate eligible for a city or borough; but, when the expenses of an election are calculated, a far more considerable revenue will be found indispensable. Thus, with the exception of the members for "rotten boroughs," who are men absolutely devoted to the proprietors who nominate them, and compelled in honor to vote under their dictation, all the members of the House of Commons belong generally to the richest families in England, and amongst them are always to be found a great number of the sons of Peers. House so composed may well entertain some diversity of opinion on certain points of the public administration; the various parties into which it is divided are all aspiring to the Ministry, and vehemently dispute the possession of office; but whenever the discussion turns upon circumstances which would put the ex

A

The rotten boroughs (bourge pourris) are small towns fallen into decay through the effects of war or the lapse of time, which, by particular charters, had obtained the right of sending a certain number of members to Parliament. These towns are now reduced to three, two, and sometimes even to one house; so that the right of election, formerly belonging to the town, is now vested in two or three proprietors, or perhaps the only proprietor of what remains. There are also other kinds of rotten boroughs, which consist in the property that some rich individuals have in certain towns, being the third or a half, or even a larger portion of the houses, to each of which a vote at the election of members of Parliament is attached. It happens in this way that the rich proprietor alone, or nearly alone, commands the majority of votes. Thus Lord Fitzwilliam commands the larger number of votes in the city of Peterborough.

VOL. XVI.

Pam.

NO. XXXI.

F

istence of government itself in danger, and, consequently, endanger also the properties, ranks and privileges established by law, we behold them all re-united, and governed by the same spirit, join in rejecting every innovation, and opposing insurmountable barriers to the efforts of disturbers.

When we reflect that of the 668 members who compose the House of Commons of England, Scotland, and Ireland, there are 307, or nearly one half elected for rotten boroughs, and whose nomination belongs exclusively to 154 proprietors, we may almost fancy the vaunted liberty of the nation about to drop into the jaws of that aristocracy which seems to stand open-mouthed ready to devour it ; nevertheless, there is no country where liberty is more established; and such, at the same time, is the extent of its empire, that any further increase would expose the state to inevitable ruin. Even these rotten boroughs themselves, the subject of so much jealousy and of so many declamations, are, perhaps, that part of the constitution to which the English Parliament owes its principal lustre, and liberty its most intrepid defenders. Divided between families, some of whom are attached to the ministry, and some to the opposition, they return to Parliament men of the most opposite views; some eager to maintain the power of government, and others to prevent its extension beyond its just limits. They are, moreover, the nursery of all the great parliamentary talents; because those who possess such boroughs, anxious for the interest of party, or for their own personal influence, to give weight to their political opinions through men most competent to support them, usually select for nomination rising lawyers, or such men of letters as are most distinguished for wit and eloquence; and it is in this manner that almost all the men of genius who have successively figured in the English Parliament-the Chathams, the Pitts, the Foxes, the Burkes, the Romillys, and so many others not less illustrious, first succeeded in making themselves known to the nation. It was subsequently, and not till after their talents had made them remarkable, that they became objects of independent election, whether for Westminster or any other city or county.

The aristocracy is, therefore, we may easily perceive, the real governing power. It rules the provinces, where it occupies every administrative employment; it governs the whole kingdom through the Parliamentary influence which is almost exclusively in its possession. The king is, if we may so speak, nothing but a creature of the imagination; he is a species of idol designed to be placed over the altar with the view of offering to the people an apparent object of respect. The idol is covered with gold and jewels in order to render him more venerable; his worshippers prostrate themselves before him with testimonies of the most profound submission; but it