from whence New-Orleans is principally supplied with ship timber, charcoal, lime, pitch, and tar, and partly with cattle; and the places before named are supplied with articles of foreign growth and produce in the same way from Orleans. The vessels employed are sloops and schooners, some of which are but half decked, from eight to fifty tons; five hundred of which, including their repeated voyages, and thirteen gallies and gun-boats entered Bayou St. Jean last year. There is likewise a small coasting trade between the Atakapas and Opelousas, and NewOrleans, by way of which much would increase, if there was any encouragement given by government, to clear away a few obstructions, chiefly caused by fallen timber, in the small rivers and creeks leading to them.

STATEMENT OF THE SITUATION OF HANOVER, PUBLISHED BY THE HANOVERIAN RESIDENT IN LONDON, ON THE 1ST OF JULY, 1803.

The situation of the Electorate of Hanover, when, in violation of the peace of Lunéville, it was bastilely attacked by France, under the pretext of a quarrel in which it was totally unconcerned, and the measures which were then adopted, have been represented in so false a light, and thereby led to the formation of opinions so erroneous, that it becomes necessary to give the following account of the circumstances as they really were.

The peace establishment of the Hanoverian army is about sixteen thousand five bundred men. This number was considerably augmented by levies throughout the country, when, at the commencement of the year 1793, the greatest part joined the allied army in Brabant; and, in the year 1796, fifteen thousand men being required for the army of observation, which was to cover the line of demarcation agreed upon between his Majesty the King of Prussia and the French Republic, they remained upon that footing; but when, in the year 1801, not only this army was dissolved, but the Prussian occupation made the speedy reduction of the Hanoverian troops necessary, all the levies which had been raised during the war, were discharged agreeably to the promises which had been made to them; it was impossible, by voluntary recruiting, which is the only mode allowed by the constitution in times of peace, immediately to complete the establishment, and the difficulty increased greatly afterwards, when the Bishopricks of Hildesheim and Eichsfeld, which had, until then, furnished many recruits, became Prussian provinces. For these reasons the troops, at

the commencement of the present troubles, did not amount, altogether, to fifteen thousand men, a considerable number of which were absent on furlough in the new Prussian provinces, and although faithful and well disposed, were prevented from joining their regiments. Thus not more than thirteen thousand men could be depended upon, and these, after completing the garrison and fortress of Hamoln, and some small detachments which could not be dispensed with, left a force of but little more than ten thousand men to oppose the enemy.-In the beginning of April, his Majesty apprised the regency of Hanover of the danger to which, in consequence of the menaces of the First Consul, himself, the country would be exposed, in case of a war between England and France; and directed that the soldiers who were absent should be made to return, and that the regiments should be kept in a state of readiness to take the field; referring, besides, for the measures which it might be necessary to pursue, to the regency and to Marshal Wallmoden, commander in chief of the army, because from the distance, and from the great uncertainty of events, it might have been disadvantageous to bind them by any orders which some unforeseen occurrence would have rendered less proper, or perhaps unapplicable.-At Hanover preparations were made for forming camps, for which, it was necessary, above every thing else, to provide magazines, which the great scarcity, and even the want of corn and forage rendered extremely difficult, and which, besides, required many arrangements among the regi ments themselves, in case it became necessary to act decisively. But to make an effectual resistance, something else was requisite, and above all, a considerable levy of men and horses, which, in addition to the supplies of provisions and carriages, &c. &c. which must all have been drawn from the people, and which might have appeared too great a charge, if, as there was every reason to fear, the immense superiority of the enemy, and the necessity of carrying on a defence within the frontiers had rendered all their efforts useless. In a situation so hazardous, and under a responsibility so high, it was natural that the regency of Hanover, as well as the marshal-hould desire orders more precise upon the great question; whether, or not, military resistance should be made? They were the more determined to request these orders, because they considered it almost impossible that the electorate was so completely abandoned by its neighbours, and flattered themselves that circumstances unknown to them, might afford them some assistance; but the * 000 2

reached Nienburg, his Royal Highness received a dispatch from the regency of Hanover, in which they begged of him to return immediately. He instantly set out, aud about half-way met the deputies, who were returning to the French head quarters, to conclude a convention, undoubtedly upon terms rather more moderate than those which had been offered, but by which the troops were bound not to serve against France or her allies during the present war, unless they were exchanged. Imperious necessity dictated this resolution; but the Duke could neither take part generally, in such a convention, nor submit to this engagement, and he had previously declared it. The moment was arrived in which he had promised, with the consent of the King, not to abandon the army and the country which adored him, and for which he had shewn so generous an attachment. This was the moment in which he could be of no use to them. There then remained no other part for him to take than to give in his resignation, and immediately to depart, which he did on the 3d of June, the same day on which the convention was signed at the French head-quarters. It is upon these details, which are scrupulously exact, that the impartial reader may rest his judgment; and it may be boldly affirmed that all which is contrary to them, is, also, contrary to the truth.

London, July 1st, 1803.

MANIFESTO OF THE IRISH REBELS. THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. You are now called on to shew to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations, that you have a right to claim their recognizance of you, as an independent country, by the only sasisfactory proof you can furnish of your capability of maintaining your independence, your wresting it from England with your own hands.In the devolopement of this system, which has been organized within the last eight months, at the close of internal defeat, and without the hope of foreign assistance; which has been conducted with a tranquillity, mistaken for obedience; which neither the failure of a similar attempt in England has retarded, nor the renewal of hostilities has accelerated; in the developement of this system you will shew to the people of England, that there is a spirit of perseverance in this country beyond their power to calculate or to repress; you will shew to them, that as long as they think to hold unjust dominion over Ireland, under no change of circumstances can they count on its obc

dience; under no aspect of affairs can they judge of its intentions; you will shew to them, that the question which it now behoves them to take into serious and instant consideration, is not whether they will resist a separation, which it is our fixed determination to effect, but whether or not they will drive us beyond separation; whether they will by a sanguinary resistance create a deadly national antipathy between the two countries, or whether they will take the only means still left of driving such a sentiment from our minds, a prompt, manly, and sagacious acquiescence in our just and unalterable determination. - If the secrecy with which the present effort has been conducted, shall have led our enemies to suppose that its extent must have been partial, a few days will undeceive them. That confidence which was once lost, by trusting to external support, and suffering our own means to be gradually undetermined, has been again restored. We have been mutually pledged to each other to look only to our own strength, and that the first introduction of a system of terror, the first attempt to execute an individual in one county, should be the signal of insurrection in all. We have now, without the loss of a man, with our means of communication untouched, brought our plans to the moment when they are ripe for execution, and in the promptitude with which nineteen counties will come forward at once to execute them, it will be found that neither confidence nor communication are wanting to the people of Ireland.-In calling on our countrymen to come forward we feel ourselves bound, at the same time, to justify our claim to their confidence, by a precise declaration of our own views. We therefore solemnly declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent republic in Ireland: that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives: that we will never, unless at the express call of our country, abandon our post, until the acknowledgment of its independence is obtained from England; and that we will enter into no negotiation (but for exchange of prisoners) with the government of that country while a British army remains in Ireland. Such is the declaration which we call on the people of Ireland to support. And we call first on that part of Ireland which was once paralized by the want of intelligence, to shew that to that cause only was its inaction to be attributed; ou that part of Ireland which was once foremost, by its fortitude in suffering; on that part of Ireland which once offered to take the salvation of the country on itself; on that part of Ire

land where the flame of liberty first glowed; we call upon the North to stand up and shake off their slumber and their oppression. -Men of Leinster-Stand to your arms. To the courage which you have already displayed, is your country indebted for the confidence which it now feels in its own strength, and for the dismay with which our enemies will be overwhelmed when they shall find this effort to be universal. But, men of Leinster, you owe more to your country than the having animated it by your past example; you owe more to your own courage than the having obtained by it a protection. If six years ago, when you rose without arms, without plan, without cooperation, with more troops against you alone than are now in the country at large, you were able to remain for six weeks in open defiance of the government, and within a few miles of the capital, what will you not now effect with that capital, and every other part of Ireland, ready to support you? But it is not on this head that we have need to address you. No! we now speak to you, and through you to the rest of Ireland, on a subject dear to us, even as the success of our country; its honour. You are accused by your enemies of having violated that honour: excesses which they themselves had, in their fullest extent, provoked, but which they have grossly exaggerated, have been attibuted to you. The opportunity of viudicating yourselves by actions is now, for the first time, before you; and we call upon you to give the lie to such assertions, by carefully avoiding every appearance of plunder, intoxication, or revenge, recollecting that lost Ireland before, not from want of courage, but from not having that courage rightly directed by discipline. But we trust that your past sufferings have taught you experience, and that you will respect the declaration which we now make, and which we are determined by every means in our power to enforce.-The nation alone possesses the right of punishing individuals, and whosoever shall put another person to death, except in battle, without a fair trial by his country, is guilty of murder. The intention of the provisional government of Ireland is to claim from the English government such Irishmen as have been sold or transported by it for their attachment to freedom; and, for this purpose, it will retain as hostages for their safe return, such adherents of that government as shall fall into its hands. It therefore calls upon the people to respect those hostages, and to recollect, that in spilling their blood they would leave their own countrymen in the

you

hands of their enemies-The intention of the provisional government is to resign its functions, as soon as the nation shall have chosen its delegates; but in the mean-time it is determined to enforce the regulations hereunto subjoined; it in consequence takes the property of the country under its protec tion, and will punish, with the utmost rigour, any person who shall violate that property, and thereby injure the present resources and the future prosperity of Ireland. - Whoever refuses to march to whatever part of the country he is ordered, is guilty of disobedience to the government, which alone is competent to decide in what place his services are necessary, and which desires him to recollect, that in whatever part of Ire-land he is fighting, he is still fighting for its freedom.-Whoever presumes, by acts or otherwise, to give countenance to the calumny propagated by our enemies, that this is a religious contest, is guilty of the grievous crime of belying the motives of his country. Religious disqualification is but one of the many grievances of which Ireland has to complain. Our intention is to remove not that only, but every other oppression under which we labour. We fight, that all of us may have our country, and that done, each of us shall have his religion. -We are aware of the apprehensions which you have expressed, that in quitting your own counties you leave your wives and children in the hands of your enemies; but on this head have no uneasiness. If there are still men base enough to persecute tho e who are unable to resist, shew them by our victories that we have the power to punish, and by your obedience, that we have the power to protect; and we pledge ourselves to you that these men shall be made to feel, that the safety of every thing they hold dear depends on the conduct they observe to you. Go forth then with confidence, conquer the foreign enemies of your country, and leave to us the care of preserving its internal tranquillity; recollect that not only the victory, but also the honour of your country is placed in your hands; give up your private resentments, and shew to the world that the Irish are not only a brave, but also a generous and forgiving people.Men of Munster and Connaught. - You have your instructions, we trust that you will execute them. The example of the rest of your countrymen is now before you, your own strength is unbroken; five months ago you were eager to act without any other assistance we now call upon you to shew what you then declared you only wanted, the opportunity of proving that you possess the

same love of liberty and the same courage with which the rest of your countrymen are animated.-We now turn to that portion of our countrymen whose prejudices we had rather overcome by a frank declaration of our intentions, than conquer their persons in the field; and in making this declaration do not wish to dwell on events, which,however theymay bring ten-fold odium on their authors, must still tend to keep alive in the minds, both of the instruments and victims of them, a spirit of animosity which it is our wish to destroy. We will therefore enter into no detail of the atrocities and oppression which Ireland has laboured under during its connexion with England, but we justify our determination to separate from that country on the broad historical state. ment, that during six hundred years she has been unable to conciliate the affections of the people of Ireland; that during the time, five rebellions were entered into to shake off the yoke; that she has been obliged to resort to a system of unprecedented torture in her defence; that she has broken every tie of voluntary connexion by taking even the name of independence from Ireland, through the intervention of a parliament notoriously bribed, and not representing the will of the people; that in her vindication of this measure she has herself given the justification of the views of the United Irishmen, by declaring in the words of her ministers That Ireland never had, and never could enjoy, under the then circumstances, the benefits of British connexion; that it necessarily must happen when one country is connected with another, that the interests of the lesser will be borne down by those of the greater. That England had supported and encouraged the English colonists in their oppression towards the natives of Ireland: that Ireland had been left in a state of ignorance, rudeness, and barbarism, worse in its effects, and more degrading in its nature, than that in which it was found six centuries before f."-Now to what cause are these things to be attributed? Did the curse of the Almighty keep alive a spirit of obstinacy in the minds of the Irish people for six hundred years? Did the doctrines of the French revolution produce five rebellions? Could the misrepre sentations of ambitious and designing men drive from the mind of a whole people the recollection of defeat, and raise the infant from the cradle, with the same feelings

Lord Castlereagh's Speech.

+ Considerations on the State of Affairs in Ireland, by Lord Auckland,

with which his father sunk into the grave? Will this gross avowal which our enemies have made of their own views, remove none of the calumny that has been thrown upon ours? Will none of the credit, which has been lavished on them, be transferred to the solemn declaration which we now make in the face of God and our country?-We war not against property; we war against no religious sect; we war not against past opinions or prejudices; we war against English dominion. We will not, however, deny that there are some men, who, not because they have supported the government of our oppressors, but because they have violated the common laws of morality, which exist alike under all or under no go, vernment, have put it beyond our power to give to them the protection of a government. We will not hazard the influence we may have with the people, and the power it may give us of preventing the excesses of revolution, by undertaking to place in tranquillity the man who has been guilty of torture, free quarters, rape, and murder by the side of the sufferer, or their relations; but in the frankness with which we warn these men of their danger, let those who do not feel that they have passed this boundary of mediation, count on their safety.-We had hoped for the sake of our enemies, to have taken them by surprise, and to have committed the cause of our country before they could have time to commit themselves against it; but though we have not altogether been able to succeed, we are yet rejoiced to find, that they have not come forward with promptitude on the side of those who have deceived them: and we now call on them, before it is yet too late, not to commit themselves further against a people whom they are unable to resist, and in support of a government, which, by their own declaration, has forfeited its claim to their allegiance. To that government, in whose hands, though not the issue, at least the features with which the present contest is to be marked, are placed, we now turn. How is it to be decided? Is open and honourable force alone to be resorted to; or is it your intention to employ those laws which custom has placed in your hands, and to force us to employ the law of retaliation in our defence Of the inefficacy of a system of terror, in preventing the people of Ireland from coming forward to assert their freedom, you have already had expe. rience. Of the effect which such a system will have on our minds in case of success, we have already forwarned you. We now address to you another consideration: if, in