seem to have any ambition for the toils and honours of office. Lord Howick, the eldest son of earl Grey, became a member of the cabinet. There was no lord chancellor appointed for the present. The great seal was put in commission, the three commissioners being the master of the rolls, the vice-chancellor, and Mr. Justice Beausanquet. The offices were distributed as follows:-Lord Melbourne, premier; the marquis of Lansdowne, president of the council; lord Palmerston, foreign secretary; lord John Russell, home secretary; Mr. Charles Grant, colonial secretary; Mr. Spring Rice, chancellor of the exchequer; viscount Duncannon, lord privy seal and chief commissioner of woods and forests; lord Auckland, first lord of the admiralty; Sir John Hobhouse, president of the Indian board; Mr. Paulet Thompson, president of the board of trade; lord Howick, secretary-at-war; lord Holland, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. The appointments not in the cabinet were-Sir Henry Parnell, paymaster of the forces; the marquis of Conyngham, postmastergeneral; Mr. Charles Wood, secretary to the admiralty; Sir George Grey, under secretary of the colonies; the honourable Fox Maule, under secretary for the home department; Mr. Labouchere, vice-president of the board of trade and master of the Mint; attorney-general, Sir John Campbell; solicitor-general, Mr. Rolfe. The Irish appointments were The earl of Mulgrave, lord lieutenant; lord Morpeth, chief secretary; lord Plunket, chancellor ; serjeant Perrin, attorney-general; Mr. Michael O'Loughlin, solicitor-general. In Scotland, Mr. Cutlar Fergusson became judge advocate, Mr. J. A. Murray lord advocate, and Mr. Cunningham solicitorgeneral. Lord John Russell The The changes of ministers and some additions to the peerage caused several elections. Mr. Littleton was raised to the upper house with the title of lord Hatherton, and Mr. Charles Grant as lord Glenelg. having lost his election for South Devon, colonel Fox made way for him at Stroud, which the noble lord continued to represent for many years. Lord Palmerston had been defeated in Hampshire at the general election; but Mr. Kennedy retired to make way for him at Tiverton, which had the honour of being represented by the noble lord for many years. Lord Morpeth had to stand a severe contest in Yorkshire, but he was returned by a large majority. tide of popular opinion had turned in favour of the whigs, if tide it might be called, where there was so little excitement with regard to politics. The nation, however, felt that it would be safer for all the interests obtained by parliamentary reform to be governed by the liberals than the tories. It is true that in Sir Robert Peel's administration toryism was not reduced to practice; there was no defence of proved abuses, no screening of what needed to be reformed. The public wants and feelings were consulted, and economy in the public expenditure was cultivated. In fact, there was every reason to expect that the Peel administration, had it been permitted to live, would have been distinguished by a series of practical reforms which the nation would remember with gratitude. But there was a feeling of distrust in the majority of the commons-a conviction that these efforts to conciliate public favour were made only to obtain a firm hold of power, and that when that was accomplished the innate and incurable propensities of the party would break forth. Hence, there was a determination from the first to turn them out as soon as possible, and it was for this purpose the appropriation clause was brought forward. There is no doubt, however, that the Peel administration, short as it was, tended very materially to serve the tory party, by restoring much of the conservative element to the house of commons. The excitement of the reform agitation gave a great preponderance of liberalism at the general election which followed the passing of the bill. The ministry of lord Melbourne was regarded with comparative indifference, so that when it was dismissed by the king, although the liberal party resented the proceeding, there was not much national enthusiasm to resist the government influence and the influence of the tory geatry at the elections. The consequence was that Sir Robert Peel had a majority of the English and Scotch members, and it was only by the Irish that the scale was turned in favour of the whigs. It was, then, a great point for Sir Robert Peel to achieve when he made the house of commons so much more conservative than it had been, and did so much to redress the balance of power in parliament, that thenceforth parties became almost evenly divided. By this means the tories conceived that the country had avoided a great "With the immense and tremendous risk. They said, majority of liberals which the unexampled fervour of the public mind had introduced into the house of commons, and the proof recently afforded of the possibility of driving the house of lords to consent to anything by the threat of creating peers, new and interminable organic changes might be forced upon the government, and carried through by the influence of the heated urban electors upon their representatives in parliament, before the nation had time to recover from its transports, and thus the constitution be overturned, as it had been in France, at the gallop, no one knew how or by whom. There can be no doubt that it was entirely owing to the firmness of earl Grey and his ministry that this danger had been hitherto averted; and though he was overthrown in the attempt, he deserves the lasting thanks of the country for having made it; but now, conservative side, and only a majority, including Ireland, of when a majority of British members were returned on the On any question involving any further organic changes in ten on the liberal, this immediate danger was at an end. the constitution, it would be very doubtful whether they would have any majority in the house of commons; and quite certain that, if carried there, the lords would take courage to throw them out in the upper house. Thus, the divided, was rendered in a great measure powerless eith: r popular branch of the legislature, from being so equally for good or evil; and this was the greatest possible advantage which could be gained, for it gave the passions time to cool, and let in the still, small voice of experience to discriminate between really beneficial reforms and these which were inexpedient from the hazard with which they were attended." • Alison's "History of Europe," vol. vi., p. 153. A.D. 1835.] O'CONNELL'S LETTER TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 257 On the 8th of April the dissolution of the Peel adminis- the people of Ireland," in which he stated that he had tration took place, and on the 18th lord Melbourne tendered to the Melbourne government his unbought, announced the completion of his arrangements. On that unpurchaseable, unconditional support. He had neither occasion lord Alvanley asked the premier if he had secured made terms nor stipulations with them. It sufficed for the assistance of Mr. O'Connell and his friends, and if so, him that their political principles were all identified with upon what terms. " A question like this, in ordinary times, the cause of good government, and of justice to the loved might very well," said his lordship, "have been left without land of his birth. The tranquillity, the prosperity, the an answer. But these were not ordinary times. The same liberty of Ireland appeared to him to be identified with ministry, when in power only a few months ago, had expe- the maintenance in power of the present ministry; and rienced the most determined opposition from the learned the horrid specimen they had just had of conservative and gentleman, and they denounced him in the king's speech in Orange ascendancy made him smile with delight at findeverything but by name; therefore he (lord Alvanley) now ing the violent, bigoted oppressors deprived of power, wished to know in what way and on what terms they stood and the prospect of a sanguinary contest between the with the learned gentleman. It was impossible to suppose people and the viperous Orange faction closed, he trusted, Mr. O'Connell would have withdrawn his opposition to for ever." He went on to state the advantages he exthat administration unless he was pacified in some way; pected from the present ministry: protection for the and he considered that the noble viscount, under the cir- people; the purification of the administration of justice, cumstances, was bound to afford the house all the informa- whose waters would no longer be poured through mephitic tion in his power." Lord Melbourne answered "that he channels, but would flow in pure sources, diffusing saludid not coincide in opinion with Mr. O'Connell; that he brity and gladness over the thirsty land. The highest had taken no means to secure his support; that he gave the offices would no longer be abused by the dull and merciless most decided negative to lord Alvanley's question; adding, foes of Ireland. Poor lord Haddington would be followed "And if he has been told anything to the contrary, he has by the high-minded and intelligent lord Mulgrave. been told what is false, and without foundation." On therefore exhorted his followers to assist the ministry this, lord Londonderry remarked that he was glad to "finally to adjust all rights connected with the tithe hear from lord Melbourne "that he had given a veto to system, so as totally to extinguish that unjust and bloodO'Connell and his radical crew, because he was sure that stained impost for ever;" to establish a complete corporate any ministerial connection with him or his tail would be reform, "and to banish for ever from their usurpations the curse of the country." that pestilent nest of corporate bigots and monopolists who have so long disgraced and plundered our towns and cities. The new ministry are placed in a situation of much difficulty, and will want all the aid of all the friends of reform and amelioration. Let Ireland become a portion of their strength and security; and let them, on their part, so deal with Ireland as to be able hereafter to look back with pride to the pacification and prosperity of this country as the work of their hands, and grateful Ireland will recognise them as the first of its benefactors." In the house of commons, a few days after, colonel Sibthorpe spoke of O'Connell as the prompter and adviser of the new ministry, and said: "I do not like the countenances of the honourable gentlemen opposite, for I believe them to be the index of their minds, and I will oppose them on every point, from the conviction that they could not bring forward anything that would tend to benefit the country. I earnestly hope that we shall have a safe and speedy riddance from such a band." This escapade roused the ire of O'Connell, who instantly rose and said that he thought the gallant colonel's countenance was, at all events, as remarkable as any upon the ministerial benches. He would not abate him a single hair in point of good-humour. "Elsewhere," he said, "these things may be treated in a different style. Those considered by the resolutions of this house as unfit to hold office may presume to talk of the Irish representatives in a manner highly unbecoming any member-exceedingly indecent; an indecency that would be insufferable, if it were not ridiculous. There is no creature-not even a half-maniac or a half-idiot—that may not take upon himself to use that language there which he would know better than to make use of elsewhere; and the bloated buffoon ought to learn the distinction between independent men and those whose votes are not worth purchasing, even if they were in the market." It may be necessary to state that the opprobrious term, a "half-maniac," or a "half-idiot," was intended to apply to the marquis of Londonderry, and the "bloated buffoon" to lord Alvanley. Immediately after this, O'Connell had to return to Dublin, where he addressed a letter "To He While O'Connell was thus employed in Ireland, commending the government to the good-will of his countrymen, lord Alvanley was exerting himself to get him ignominiously expelled from Brookes's. On the 2nd of May he wrote a letter to the members, stating that O'Connell had made use of coarse and insulting expressions with regard to him, and that he had sent a challenge to him in consequence, through colonel Damer, to which he had received no answer; and he now appealed to the only tribunal of men of honour, to which they were both amenable. He therefore sent a requisition, to call a general meeting of the club, in order to take the case into consideration. The requisition was signed by twentythree members. The managers of the club answered that it would be inconsistent with the practice and contrary to the established rules to take cognisance of differences of a private nature between the members of the club, and therefore they declined to call the general meeting. The first name on the list of the managers was lord Duncannon-now a member of the cabinet-an old friend of O'Connell, who had introduced him to the house of commons in 1828, after the Clare election, and who exerted himself to induce the great agitator to take office Thus ended the affair, so far as the elder O'Connell was concerned. But his second son, Morgan, was resolved not to let the matter rest. As soon as he heard of the proceedings in Brookes's, he wrote to lord Alvanley a very spirited letter, in which he designated the challenge as a party manœuvre, with no other object than to cast a stigma upon his father-upon the party to which he belonged, as well as upon the government and its supporters. He denounced the proceeding as a wretched manœuvre-as an utterly ungentlemanly and braggadocio mode of carrying on party warfare. He adopted his father's insulting language, not, he said, in the vain hope of inducing him to give satisfaction; but, lest he should be wrong in that surmise, he intimated that he was at his lordship's service. This letter was conveyed through colonel Hodges. The result was that the parties met at Arlington Street, when they arranged to have a meeting at a short distance beyond the turnpike next the Regent's Park, on the Barnet Road. The ground was measured at twelve paces; the parties took their positions; the word was given, "Ready-fire." O'Connell fired, but lord Alvanley did not, owing to a mistake, and claimed the right to fire, which was refused. Both parties fired two rounds more without effect, each satisfied that the other had acted with perfect fairness. There was no apology made on either side. It was, in graph, but had it printed and placarded. reverse? His life, I say again, is a living lie. He is the most degraded of his species and kind; and England is degraded in tolerating or having upon the face of her society a miscreant of his abominable, foul, and atrocious nature. My language is harsh, and I owe an apology for it; but I will tell you why I owe that apology. It is for this reason, that if there be harsher terms in the English language, I should use them; because it is the harshest of all terms that would be descriptive of a wretch of his species. He is just the fellow for the conservative club. I suppose if Sir R. Peel had been out of the Mr. Morgan O'Connell soon found that he had no sine-way, when he was called upon to take office, this cure in undertaking to give satisfaction with the pistol for all his father's violations of the code of honour. Shortly after, Mr. Daniel O'Connell referred, in the following strong language, to an attack made upon him by Mr. Disraeli at Taunton :-" In the annals of political turpitude, there is not anything deserving the appellation of blackguardism to equal that attack upon me. What is my acquaintance with this man? Just this: in 1831, or the beginning of 1832, the borough of Wycombe became vacant. I knew him, but not personally; merely as the author of one or two novels. He got an introduction to me, and wrote me a letter, stating that, as I was a radical reformer, and he was also a radical, and was going to stand upon the radical interest for the borough of Wycombe, where, he said, there were many persons of that way of thinking, who would be influenced by my opinion, he would feel obliged by receiving a letter from me recommendatory of him as a radical. His letter to me was so distinct upon the subject, that I immediately complied with his request, and composed as good an epistle as I could on his behalf. I am in the habit of letter-writing, sir, and Mr. Disraeli thought this letter so valuable, that he not only took the auto fellow would have undertaken to supply his place. Ile They were once the chosen people of God. There were miscreants amongst them, however, also; and it must have certainly been from one of those that Disraeli descended. He possesses just the qualities of the impenitent thief who died upon the cross; whose name, I verily believe, must have been Disraeli. For aught I know, the present Disraeli is descended from him; and with the impression that he is, I now forgive the heir-at-law of the blasphemous thief who died upon the cross." When Mr. Disraeli read this tremendous philippic, he wrote to Mr. Morgan O'Connell for satisfaction, which the latter denied his right to demand. He had not seen the attack, nor was he answerable for his father's words, though he had taken up his quarrel when lord Alvanley, in his absence, attempted to get him expelled from the club. Not being able to get satisfaction by means of pistols, he had recourse to the pen; and, certainly, if O'Connell's attack was violent, the retaliation was not the meekest. The eminence to which Mr. Disraeli has since risen as a statesman lends additional interest and importance to the following letter : 1 "To Mr. Daniel O'Connell, M.P. for Dublin. "London, May 5. "Mr. O'CONNELL,-Although you have placed yourself out of the pale of civilisation, still I am one who will not be insulted, even by a yahoo, without chastising it. When I read this morning, in the same journals, your virulent attack upon myself, and that your son was, at the same moment, paying the penalty of similar virulence to another individual on whom you had dropped your filth, I thought that the consciousness that your opponents had at length discovered a source of satisfaction might have animated your insolence to unwonted energy; and I called upon your son to re-assume his vicarious office of yielding satisfaction for his shrinking sire. But it seems that gentleman declines the further exercise of the pleasing duty of enduring the consequences of your libertine harangues. I have no other means, therefore, of noticing your effusion but this public mode. Listen, then, to me. "If it had been possible for you to act like a gentleman, you would have hesitated before you made your foul and insolent comments upon a hasty and garbled report of a speech, which scarcely contains a sentence or an expression as they emanated from my mouth; but the truth is, you were glad to seize the first opportunity of pouring forth your venom against a man whom it serves the interest of your party to represent as a political apostate. "In 1831, when Mr. O'Connell expressed to the electors of Wycombe his anxiety to assist me in my election, I came forward as the opponent of the party in power, and which I described in my address as 'rapacious, tyrannical, and incapable of action'-the English whigs, who, in the ensuing year denounced you as a traitor from the throne; and every one of whom, only a few months back, you have anathematised with all the peculiar graces of a tongue practised in scurrility. You are the patron of those men now, Mr. O'Connell; you, forsooth, are 'devoted' to them. Which of us is the most consistent? You say that I was once a radical; and now that I am a tory, my conscience acquits me of ever having deserted a political friend, or ever having changed a political opinion. I worked for a great and avowed end in 1831, and that was the restoration of the balance of parties in the state; a result which I believed to be necessary to the honour of the realm and the happiness of the people. I never advocated a measure which I did not believe tended to that result; and if there be any measures which I then urged, and now am not disposed to press, it is because that great result is obtained." Having made some other statements in proof of his political consistency, Mr. Disraeli proceeded to repel the attack of his antagonist with regard to his origin. He says: "I admire your scurrilous allusions to my origin. It is quite clear that the 'hereditary bondsman' has already forgotten the clank of his fetter. I know the tactics of your church; it clamours for toleration, and it labours for supremacy. I see that you are quite prepared to persecute. "With regard to your taunts, as to my want of success in my election contests, permit me to remind you that I had nothing to appeal to but the good sense of the people. No threatening skeletons canvassed for me; a death'shead and cross-bones were not blazoned on my banners. My pecuniary resources, too, were limited; I am not one of those public beggars that we see swarming with their obstrusive boxes in the chapels of your creed; nor am I in possession of a princely revenue wrung from a starving race of fanatical slaves. Nevertheless, I have a deep conviction that the hour is at hand when I shall be more successful, and take my place in that proud assembly of which Mr. O'Connell avows his wish no longer to be a member. I expect to be a representative of the people before the repeal of the Union. We shall meet at Philippi, and rest assured that, confident in a good cause, and in some energies which have been not altogether unproved, I will seize the first opportunity of inflicting upon you a castigation which will make you, at the same time, remember and repent the insults that you have lavished upon "BENJAMIN DISRAELI." This is moderate, compared with the following to O'Connell's son, which is wholly indefensible : "31 A, Park Street, Grosvenor Square, May 6, 1835. "SIR,-Not having been favoured with your reply to my second letter of yesterday, I thought fit to address a letter to your father-and for this reason, I deduce from your communication, delivered by Mr. Ffrench, that you do not consider yourself responsible for any insults offered by your father, but only bound to resent the insults which he may receive. Now, sir, it is my hope that I have insulted him; assuredly it was my intention to do so. I wish to express the utter scorn in which I hold his character, and the disgust with which his conduct inspires me. If I failed in conveying this expression of my feelings to him, let me more successfully express them now to you. I shall take every opportunity of holding your father's name up to public contempt, and I fervently pray that you, or some one of his blood, may attempt to avenge the unex |