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“ some able hand would answer it.” From what mouths he took this, I know not. But surely the testimony of those who desired some able hand would answer what they judged to be mean and despicable, is an odd testimony for him to quote; since it could proceed from nothing but a design to ridicule him.

Though the Enquiry was not answered in form, yet I believe that several, perhaps all, the points on which his fyftem leaned, were occasionally examined, and sufficiently refuted by you, Mr. D'Anvers, and by others. If no more was done I take the reason to have been plainly this. The ministerial air of authority and information assumed in it, made even those, on whom this air did not impose, judge that it was prudent to wait till time and events fhould open the scene a little more; and as the scene opened, they perceived that the Enquiry was daily anfwered, in the most effectual manner, to their hands; so that the author might have waited all his life, perhaps, for something more of this fort, if he had not thought fit to seize an opportunity of defending it, not more worthy his notice, than several others before given him; and if my respect for him, and my desire to stand fair in his opinion had not determined me to make him a reply.

As to the effect of the Enquiry, which he thinks fo considerable, that it “ awakened multitudes out « of a dull and languid state into life and vi

gor; and that it was not found to procure flum" bers either to those who liked it, or to those who “ disliked it;" I, who was most certainly one of those who either liked or disliked it, can affirm, with the greatest truth, that if it did not procure me flumbers, it did not keep me awake. Some of the facts advanced in it were strange and surprising ; but then they were destitute of any proof, except the strong affirmations of the author, and collecti.

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ons of circumstances so extremely trivial, that they became burlesque as soon as they were seriously applied. A bare exposition of any real danger from the pretender would have waked multitudes into life and vigor, though the Enquiry had never been written. But I apprehend that so many pages spent on Wharton's Rambles, Ripperda's chit-chat, hearsays of what one great man writ concerning what another great man said, three Muscovite ships coming to Spain, embarkations which were never made, and armies which were never assembled, could have no other effe&t than to compose multitudes into perfect tranquillity, and to confirm the opinion of their security on this head. Any surmises of an engagement, on the Emperor's part, to assist Spain in the recovery of Gibraltar by force, could provoke no indignation, whatever else it might provoke, nor cause any alarm. We knew Gibraltar to be impregnable to the Spaniards, before Ripperda declared it to be fo ; and what assistance the Emperor could give them towards reducing this place, unless he had in his service fome of Mr. Waller's winged troops and Pegasean horse, we were not able to discover. As to the Emperor's real engagement in this article towards Spain, and as to the engagements of Spain towards the Emperor, on the article of trading to the West-Indies, we fvon knew what they were; and with this knowledge our alarm ceased. What was said in the long dissertations, about the Ostend company, caused likewise little or 110 emotion in us. Our interest was plainly not that of principals, till the Dutch had the address to make us fo, by their accession to the treaty of Hanover ; and the conduct of our own court, who beheld, with so much indifference, the rise and progress of this company, had taught us to be indifferent about it. These considerations, and many others which I ornit, hindered the Enquiry from having the effect,

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which this gentleman's paternal fondness makes him believe it had. The part, if I may have leave to say so, was over-acted. But still I see no reason that he has to be concerned, because one way or other the end of writing it was answered. The Enquiry was the book of a day, like some little ani. mals on the banks of the river Hypanis, which came to life in the morning, fulfilled all the ends of their creation, and died before night.

There is a point, on which the author and defender of the Enquiry values himself and his book very much; I mean the strict regard to truth which he assures us he observed in writing. Now, though I am ready to agree that this author has always a great regard to truth, yet I affirm that I could write a book as big as the Enquiry, filled with nothing but demonstrations of his errors in matters of fact. Too much confidence in the informations he received, too much haste in composing, and, above all, that fire which is apt to over-heat the imagination of pole. mical writers, must have caused these errors. It is impossible to account any other way, how a gentle. man of nice honor, remarkable sincerity, and even exemplary piety, instead of making his propositions constantly the result of the evidence he found, upon a thorough examination, true, should, through a whole book, have constantly suited his evidence to a certain set of propositions; and how facts and dates, as stubborn things as they are in the hands of other men,

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foft as wax under his touch.

But it is not my design to enter into a disquisition of this sort. It would shew ill-nature, which I hope I have not; and it would be now of no use whatever. I must however defend myself, as unwilling as I am to offend him; and therefore fince he contradicts what I said, viz. that " he had been given up in every material article of the Enquiry;" I think

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myself obliged to prove it. “ How easy are such “ words as these," says our author, “ but how hard " to support them?” Now I do assure him that these words, as far as they may be thought harsh or impolite, will ai no time fall easily from my tongue or pen; but he will find that it is easy for me, upon this occasion, to support then. I will confine myTelf to the four great points of danger, arising from the Vienna treaties, and mentioned already. Let us fee whether he has been given up in them or not.

According to the Enquiry, we were in danger of lofing, not only our Eait and West-India trade, but many other branches of the British trade, by the privileges supposed to be granted to the Emperor's subjects, and from the enjoyment of which privileges we are debarred. Nay, it was very strongly infinuated that even the ruin of Britain was involved in this point. If this had been the case, and if the treaty of Vienna had thus settled the matter, there wouid have been occasion for all the outcries which we meet with in the Enquiry, and for ftill more. But our most knowing merchants gave up this point, as foon as they read and considered the feveral clauses; and it is notorious, that the contracting powers declared, as soon as they heard of the objection, that their meaning was not to give these privileges to the Imperial subjects above other nations; and that they would explain the text accordingly, if any ambiguity made it neceffary. But in truth there was little or no ambiguity in the matter, except what the representations of it occasioned; for without entering any deeper into it, let us obferve that the answers which this author gives to the objection, which he was forced, from the notoriety of the thing, to make to himself, are evasive and fallacious; for since the same liberty of entering the Spanith ports in the Welt-Indies, in case of distress

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by bad weather, or for refreshment, is granted to us by the treaty of 1670, as is granted to the Imperial subjects by the treaty of Vienna, does it follow that more is granted to them than to us, because the liberty granted to us hath ceased for many years ? If we have not made use of the liberty, the fact affirmed is nothing to the purpofe. If we have been denied it, fuch denial is an infraction of the treaty of 1670, and proves that we have had injustice done us by the practice of the Spaniards; but doth not help to prove that we have had any done us by their concessions to the Emperor, with whom they may keep this article, perhaps, as little as they have done with us, and who is not likely to have the same means of obliging them to it as we have in our power, whenever we please to employ them.

How the eighth article of the treaty of Utrecht came to be quoted, on this occasion, is to me marvellous. That article is made general to all nations; but was particularly directed against the French, who, even at that time, continued to obtain licences to send ships to trade in the South Sea, as they had done all the war. But the treaty of Utrecht confirms the treaty of 1670; and the stipulation, that “no licence, or any permission at all, as shall at any time be given to the French, or any “ other nation whatsoever—to fail, traffic, &c. " to the dominions subject to the crown of Spain " in America,” cannot surely be construed to de.. prive us of the right of going into those parts, in the cases allowed by the treaty of 1670. This seems so clear, that I may pronounce the gentleman given up, on this head, by the most knowing merchants, and by every man who can read and understand what he reads.

But I may go farther; for it appears even from the fifth article of the provisional treaty itself, which is said to secure us from the dangerous en

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